The conclusion of a political experience
Twenty years ago, flowed into the PCI PdUP
Twenty years ago, between the summer and autumn of 1984, ended the political life of PdUP for Communism with the confluence (for many it was a trip) the vast majority of his paintings in the PCI.
An important story for those who lived it, but also for the anomaly represented by the "diversity" of this political formation of cracks, splits and combinations (the times were very different from the present ...) in between the traditional Communist left and the new left sessantottino extraction; between the "form party" classic and specificity of contiguous (and, in the first phase, superimposed on) the experience of the "Manifesto", journal, political group, daily.
do not have, of course, the ability to properly analyze the cultural experience of PdUP (at the time of the dissolution came a wondrous instant-book, written by Aldo Garzia), but I would also run the risk of writing, albeit briefly just because I happened to participate in that experience, from beginning to end. The history of PdUP is closely linked with that of the "Manifesto", a political group inside the PCI join the group after the XI Congress of 1966. A political group that represented, at that point in the immediate post-Togliatti (in the opinion of Rossana Rossanda), the last and perhaps more coherent, comprehensive and radical expression of Gramsci's thesis first, and then ingraiana, the "war of position" as the mature form and present in the Italian revolution.
The Manifesto was born around this nucleus of thought, as dissidents inside the PCI: only later did make it a point of reference for similar or different experiences. An internal dissidence CIP, which had started with the resumption of fights that occurred in the late 50s, through the elaboration of the issues of capital and factory (think Panzieri and the "Quaderni Rossi"), the impact of events of July 60 (last fires of resistance or the first stirrings of '68?) on the re-articulation social analysis, which took place until the PCI death of Togliatti , even before the advent of the first center, the battle for the succession of the same Togliatti, who died in the summer of 1964 , but that stopped on a line that is not recognized, indeed, the radical nature of the "war of position".
The explosion of '68, the story of the "Prague Spring" and the subsequent invasion of Czechoslovakia, defined the position of many of the finest animated fellow who had, until that point, the battle ingraiana (which had the same Ingrao imposed erroneously limit to separate the idea of trench warfare, the idea of \u200b\u200b"breaking") to precipitate the exclusion from the Party (November 1969 and prior, in that autumn had released the first issue of the magazine, received with great interest in many quarters of the Italian left ) by Pintor, Rossanda, Natoli, Eliseo Milani, Magri, Castellina, Maone.
The group poster (while implementing the transformation of the magazine in newspaper) tried, then, different roads to the aggregation of these opposing forces then in the political landscape. The merger was attempted with the most important exponents of the former PSIUP not incorporated into the PCI, after the electoral defeat of 1972 (the electoral card was attempted on this occasion also from the Manifesto, presenting the candidacy of Peter Valpreda, at that time held for the massacre of Piazza Fontana, with strongly negative outcome). The meeting between the group and former PSIUP Manifesto gave birth in 1974, the training of PdUP for Communism. It was a complex affair, whose backdrop was represented by the contradictory and dramatic events of those years, marked by terrorism, by a deep economic crisis, experience (tempted by PCI) of "national solidarity". In
PdUP there never was a true integration between the two groups of managers, from different experiences and deeply divided over the underlying judgments of the crisis, and programmatic needs that linked to it, to govern (a setting, the "government crisis", from the group of events, notably at the initiative of Lucio Magri, author, in January 1974 of an important document on the subject). The split between the Manifesto and former PSIUP finally occurred in 1977 at the height of the experience of national solidarity, which had been following the election results of June 20, 1976 dell'imperversare and terrorism (with the kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro, in the spring of 1978, would reach the top of your dish), following on the occasion of the presentation to the electoral politics of 1976 there had been signs of a split (on the one hand Foa, Miniati, Hut, In 1975 he was elected regional councilor in Lombardy, was a "plank" one of the revolutionaries including Lotta Continua, which later became the symbol of Proletarian Democracy in collecting a modest result, at the very moment of maximum expansion of the electoral PCI by 'other leaders of the "Manifesto" that they would prefer a more uniform election and "identity" of a specific area of \u200b\u200bthe "new left" to include the Workers Vanguard).
In subsequent years, there are other moments of rupture and recomposition (1978 Congress of Viareggio, with the separation of "cross" between members of the "Manifesto", in particular with Rossanda and Spoken Word, and AO, especially Aurelio fields, due to differences on the underlying assessment of the progress and prospects of "national solidarity", and the relationship with the movements that had marked the last phase of the 70s, Congress in Rome in 1981, with the confluence of the PdUP dell'MLS of the Milan group, led by Luca Cafiero). The PdUP, though deeply modified in its composition from these successive processes of detachment and approach, not abdicated, never to attempt to represent a reference point provided within the Italian left, an analysis of cultural identity, without giving up, at the same time, to indicate in a political perspective and programmatically feasible (the alternative).
In the late '70s (a period marked in PdUP, the choice of positive self-presentation in the elections of 1979, while at the same time he failed a new plan to combine the "revolutionary", appearing under the banner of the cartel NSU) and early 80s, still stirred a debate between the choice of trying to represent a "third pole" in the left, is to place far inside the common, working, in essence, a critical stimulus from outside and on the subject of the debate addressed mainly to the need for a transformation of the PCI, which abandoned the line of "national solidarity" at the initiative of the Secretary Enrico Berlinguer, was siding (even with great internal contradictions) on the line of the democratic alternative. In
PdUP prevailed, if I allowed a "synthetic judgments a priori" choice of the community, and in this sense, it created the electoral agreement with the PCI in 1983 and the results demonstrated the great capacity for dialogue in leaders PdUP available, at the base and the electorate of the PCI. The agreement was renewed with the PCI-PdUP European Elections 1984: the death of Enrico Berlinguer , which occurred right during the election campaign, not only accelerated the process of crisis and internal division PCI, but also squeezed the margins of political maneuvering autonomous PdUP, within the communist. Derived as the choice of flow into the PCI, agreed with the successor of Berlinguer Alessandro Natta.
It was a difficult decision, accepted by the vast majority of PdUP (not merged into the PCI, one of the most prominent leaders: Ivano Di Cerbo, Eliseo Milani and Lidia Menapace, the latter by virtue of its development policy on the crisis and the relation to the movements, strongly anticipating that the situation would be created in the years to come). The confluence of the card of The Communist Manifesto for the 1974 year and that of PdUP seguentePdUP was inserted in the PCI, and then within the complex story of the final part of the life of PCI demonstrated through the capacity for reflection and proposals of those who were its principal leaders in the final period (with Magri and Castellina, representatives of the thread of continuity with the experience of the years 60, one can cite Pettinari, Life, Crucianelli, Serafini) particular incisiveness in the harrowing tale of being disbanded, after the turn of Occhetto "Bolognina" (think, in particular, the report drawn up by Lucio Magri, in Arc seminar in October 1990, organized from the "NO" means a relationship that can still be taken for example as a concrete proposal Italian communist renewal of identity). Unlike
was instead the result of a confluence of the former leadership of the project PdUP Refoundation Communist times (as I said earlier) were irrevocably changed and just the difficulty in that 'opportunity to demonstrate how, in closing, political experience arising from the "Manifesto" and then continued with the PdUP (keeping, of course, the notice of all changes in "social structure" that have accumulated over the years) was really linked to a particular, specific vision of the community, with reference to what had been, with its size, its contradictions, its PCI tragedies.
If I may be allowed a final assessment, background, I can say that the point of continuity in the event of the "Manifesto", a political group, and then the PdUP as a party was represented by three main questions addressed to the PCI, in the late '60s, the group of those who had been struck, the first question was about a different view of social relations and the relevance of a break in the West, the second question was about the urgency of a joint position in international, surpassing since that time the relationship of trust with the USSR (a subject on which PdUP Manifesto and held firm to arrange the positions in 1978 in Venice, the first conference with the participation of dissidents from the left "of the East. Congress did not consider that the PCI should be involved officially) to the third question posed about the life of the party of opening the cultural contamination and the possibility of representation of different political positions within it.
three points, now exposed, I do still ponder who lived, while in another position, one step away now.
Franco AstengoAgosto 2004
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