The noise of the sun that helps to live and write
Marco Marcelli
with the sound of the sun (The alley publisher, € 14.00, pp 117), Xavier Tutino gives us a new chapter in the "saga" dedicated to himself. A valuable contribution to the reading of which the author introduces us, journalist and writer, outlining the salient points: "Two friends and two myths off in the confusion of the Cold War. A love and a non-heated. A shield shattered. Five stories from childhood to old age. " In fact, in the pages of The sound of the sun is much more than that. Tutino has invented a style, "a way of describing life, original and effective, as well summarizes Lidia Ravera, signing the presentation:" A man who lives traveling in politics and policy, it moves between Cuba and Uruguay, Paris and Brussels, but never ceases to travel even within himself. " And it does all that, you can add, weaving courageously, without exaggeration, the self and the world, the history and the most intimate and painful events. The author recounts the last twenty-five years of his life moving from the attack the Cuban revolution, the Red Brigades terrorism to cancer, without changes in tone or rhythm to emphasize the passage from one dimension to another, but always keeping the eyes of those who seek the roots of the events in which they are immersed. "To evoke a distant time also means to regain self-control", says on page 82, and is perhaps in this affirmation, the sense of an autobiography written and rewritten constantly, scattered in a dozen books and countless articles, a diary long as life. The diary, the autobiography as a favorite instrument of "seeing oneself through others," while recognizing the character of "writing essentially unreliable." The habit of traveling the world and love of others, because only this can give the breath that is lacking when it looks after itself, led Tutino to give birth in Pieve Santo Stefano al Archives of Autobiography popular first emerged in the West. Five diaries and memories of the so-called "ordinary people", collected in twenty years, from 1984 to 2004, "to the memory of the Italians." But the noise of the sun is above all a long, anguished reflection on writing by the world and medicine for the soul (for Tutino, writing has become even more of a rage from 1989 onwards, the year that changed the world and the certainties that had lived up to that point: writing is well served to question the changes in defense without retreat). The words of Montaigne succor the author to capture the healing power of storytelling: "Painting for the others I have painted in colors that were not the primitive net. I am not so I made my book than my book has made me "(page 86). And, again, this time resorting to Rousseau: "I understand that the player did not want to know too many things, but I need to tell me." But the firm intention not to make himself "the main character of his life" emerges mostly from the memories of Saverio Tutino special envoy to Latin America, in France of De Gaulle, Stalin's USSR and Mao's China. In his travels often extraordinary meeting with destiny allows him to use the myth as a base to build a modern culture of resistance against the mechanisms of the domain of the rich world to the poor. Tutino is forty years old when, in 1962, the Unit Cuba will send it to the Resistance in Piedmont and Valle D'Aosta (in 1944 and 1945 was political commissar of the 76th Brigade Garibaldi). Havana Ernesto Guevara listens to talk to young people, telling them that they must remain vigilant, especially in the face of injustice, "able to disobey and oppose" and "knowing how to discuss and seek clarification on anything that is unclear." As she recounts Cuba, the memory runs at a school friend, Lorenzo Milani. Tutino and he attended the same high school in Milan, in the year "in which Mussolini imposed fascism, a way of life without thinking." Tutino, however, that the war had become "militant journalist" has always thought that one could be militants "without satisfy the model of a culture of party." Not so the leaders of the Communist Party at that time, if it is correct, as the hero of those events, that "I looked Pajetta repeated the party's most militant of the Cuban Italian party." And, finally, with the exemption Tutino pay their intellectual freedom that continues to exert tuttoggi.Ultima record. In the stories that have more recent dates and more explicit form of diary, repeatedly used the name of Glory: the companion and the wife to whom this book is dedicated. Together, we hear "the sound of the sun."
Our last conversations were full of future A man and a political leader in the round
Our last conversations were full of future Alfonso Gianni Liberation December 29, 2004 I met
Eliseo Milani later. Later, with regard to his long political militancy. Now is exactly the past quarter of a century is not just between people in attendance. I met him he was already an authority on the diverse field to the left of the Left Party. What is more important in the past had a PCI, particularly in that of Bergamo was part of the historical group of the Manifesto, was a senior Pdup. I met him on one occasion one of the least conducive in the course of negotiations that no matter how limited it was also harsh and saw that there actually opposed each to represent the legitimate interests of their organization. It was to decide electoral agreements between Pdup and MLS for the parliamentary elections of 1979. Elisha instilled a certain fear, had a reputation as a man often gruff and surly behavior. It made great turns of phrase and went to the point. The fact was then that can arise where a love or hate, indifference was excluded. For my part I was born a deep respect and affection. I understand that only a check to prevent more challenging to define a noun. That estimate and that affection has been strengthened over the years, the political and parliamentary work, attendance in private, it became particularly intense when the health forced him to abandon active politics. But Elisha did not give some the edge of a long political argument that he constantly proposed, providing advice always dictated by a great sense of reality. Who believed that Elisha was not primarily a theorist would say the truth, but to think that he was essentially a good organizer and a strong party man, catch only a small aspect of his personality more complex. Elisha was a man and a political leader in the round. The policy was his great passion. The Common, that can not even be thought without a deep knowledge of the real movement of society, without a strong emotional connection with people.
Here were the roots of Elisha. It also showed his stories when he spoke of the practical life of many years ago, in the Bergamo valleys, that dignified but severe poverty, which he remembered without lacrimosità or rhetoric, even with the ironic nostalgia that characterizes the people who have a sense of history and the complexity of human affairs. If you happen to enter the last house inhabited by Eliseo in Rome, found it full of books of history and the history of ideas, rather than political chronicles. But these readings, conquered without having had the good fortune to an adequate education in what was his life, allowed him to power and political instinct and intuition to merit consideration even in areas very different from ours that has never failed.
His political history is, at least to me, the paradigmatic and enviable. Elisha was a manufacturer of Italian communism, but never resting on its results. He has always taken a steep street and uncomfortable, looking forward and not back to what he left, and he traveled with intelligence, courage and great humanity, thinly veiled, perhaps atavistic shame, the edginess of the character.
Now this life is over. Its not the end comes to us unexpected, but no less painful. Recently, his life was like a rope that was stretched more and more, ready to snap at any moment, but the strength of his soul and even his mood have never abandoned. Our last conversations were full of the future, both for large as for the little things. I think, therefore, clear that it is turned off. I am convinced that he did not even make us suffer. Hello, Elisha.
Matthew Rossi new secretary of the Youth Left Matthew Rossi new secretary of the Youth Left
Posted by Roncalli on 18/01/2005 15:48:00 (Tritium Web )
Matthew Rossi was elected secretary of the Left Democrats of the City of Bergamo during the meeting last Saturday with 71% of the votes of delegates. Rossi, 28, majoring in political science, member of the New Town Hall, in the last three years he was provincial secretary of the Left youth, assumed office after years of training efforts for socio-political oratory Bonate Above and in the Vicariate Isle of Bergamo. At the Congress of the DS is not a party any motion, arguing instead the lines expressed by the "document of the 22" and referring to the positions expressed by national leaders such as Walter Veltroni, Giovanna Melandri, Sergio Cofferati. At the local level was in Congress through a document entitled "Flip the pyramids" supported across the board within the party. In his introductory Rossi recalled the figures of his companions and Eliseo Milani Fioravante Branca, identified as the main function of the DS of Bergamo in this historical period the construction of a people and a European dimension from the bottom up, in particular the choices and the administrative style of the City Council and the Executive Bruni. He also placed as one of the priority themes of the organizational reform, increasing openness and the ability to experiment with new forms of participatory democracy in the center and the city area from the construction of the Federation Olive Tree and the Democratic Alliance as the common house and shared by all the people of the center. Finally place as issues crucial to the city resolve the matter Gleno, the adoption of a fund for international cooperation and setting up projects for Bergamo ecostostenibile and multicultural. In the next weeks the appointment of the secretariat and will complement the theme of the tasks under the new management team in DS città .Matteo Rossi can be contacted through the following channels: Email: mat.ro @ virgilio.it phone: 3480469799fisso: 035248180
The conclusion of a political experience The conclusion of a political experience
Twenty years ago, flowed into the PCI PdUP Twenty years ago, between the summer and autumn of 1984, ended the political life of PdUP for Communism with the confluence (for many it was a trip) the vast majority of his paintings in the PCI.
An important story for those who lived it, but also for the anomaly represented by the "diversity" of this political formation of cracks, splits and combinations (the times were very different from the present ...) in between the traditional Communist left and the new left sessantottino extraction; between the "form party" classic and specificity of contiguous (and, in the first phase, superimposed on) the experience of the "Manifesto", journal, political group, daily.
do not have, of course, the ability to properly analyze the cultural experience of PdUP (at the time of the dissolution came a wondrous instant-book, written by Aldo Garzia), but I would also run the risk of writing, albeit briefly just because I happened to participate in that experience, from beginning to end. The history of PdUP is closely linked with that of the "Manifesto", a political group inside the PCI join the group after the XI Congress of 1966. A political group that represented, at that point in the immediate post-Togliatti (in the opinion of Rossana Rossanda), the last and perhaps more coherent, comprehensive and radical expression of Gramsci's thesis first, and then ingraiana, the "war of position" as the mature form and present in the Italian revolution.
The Manifesto was born around this nucleus of thought, as dissidents inside the PCI: only later did make it a point of reference for similar or different experiences. An internal dissidence CIP, which had started with the resumption of fights that occurred in the late 50s, through the elaboration of the issues of capital and factory (think Panzieri and the "Quaderni Rossi"), the impact of events of July 60 (last fires of resistance or the first stirrings of '68?) on the re-articulation social analysis, which took place until the PCI death of Togliatti , even before the advent of the first center, the battle for the succession of the same Togliatti, who died in the summer of 1964 , but that stopped on a line that is not recognized, indeed, the radical nature of the "war of position".
The explosion of '68, the story of the "Prague Spring" and the subsequent invasion of Czechoslovakia, defined the position of many of the finest animated fellow who had, until that point, the battle ingraiana (which had the same Ingrao imposed erroneously limit to separate the idea of trench warfare, the idea of \u200b\u200b"breaking") to precipitate the exclusion from the Party (November 1969 and prior, in that autumn had released the first issue of the magazine, received with great interest in many quarters of the Italian left ) by Pintor, Rossanda, Natoli, Eliseo Milani, Magri, Castellina, Maone.
The group poster (while implementing the transformation of the magazine in newspaper) tried, then, different roads to the aggregation of these opposing forces then in the political landscape. The merger was attempted with the most important exponents of the former PSIUP not incorporated into the PCI, after the electoral defeat of 1972 (the electoral card was attempted on this occasion also from the Manifesto, presenting the candidacy of Peter Valpreda, at that time held for the massacre of Piazza Fontana, with strongly negative outcome). The meeting between the group and former PSIUP Manifesto gave birth in 1974, the training of PdUP for Communism. It was a complex affair, whose backdrop was represented by the contradictory and dramatic events of those years, marked by terrorism, by a deep economic crisis, experience (tempted by PCI) of "national solidarity". In
PdUP there never was a true integration between the two groups of managers, from different experiences and deeply divided over the underlying judgments of the crisis, and programmatic needs that linked to it, to govern (a setting, the "government crisis", from the group of events, notably at the initiative of Lucio Magri, author, in January 1974 of an important document on the subject). The split between the Manifesto and former PSIUP finally occurred in 1977 at the height of the experience of national solidarity, which had been following the election results of June 20, 1976 dell'imperversare and terrorism (with the kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro, in the spring of 1978, would reach the top of your dish), following on the occasion of the presentation to the electoral politics of 1976 there had been signs of a split (on the one hand Foa, Miniati, Hut, In 1975 he was elected regional councilor in Lombardy, was a "plank" one of the revolutionaries including Lotta Continua, which later became the symbol of Proletarian Democracy in collecting a modest result, at the very moment of maximum expansion of the electoral PCI by 'other leaders of the "Manifesto" that they would prefer a more uniform election and "identity" of a specific area of \u200b\u200bthe "new left" to include the Workers Vanguard).
In subsequent years, there are other moments of rupture and recomposition (1978 Congress of Viareggio, with the separation of "cross" between members of the "Manifesto", in particular with Rossanda and Spoken Word, and AO, especially Aurelio fields, due to differences on the underlying assessment of the progress and prospects of "national solidarity", and the relationship with the movements that had marked the last phase of the 70s, Congress in Rome in 1981, with the confluence of the PdUP dell'MLS of the Milan group, led by Luca Cafiero). The PdUP, though deeply modified in its composition from these successive processes of detachment and approach, not abdicated, never to attempt to represent a reference point provided within the Italian left, an analysis of cultural identity, without giving up, at the same time, to indicate in a political perspective and programmatically feasible (the alternative).
In the late '70s (a period marked in PdUP, the choice of positive self-presentation in the elections of 1979, while at the same time he failed a new plan to combine the "revolutionary", appearing under the banner of the cartel NSU) and early 80s, still stirred a debate between the choice of trying to represent a "third pole" in the left, is to place far inside the common, working, in essence, a critical stimulus from outside and on the subject of the debate addressed mainly to the need for a transformation of the PCI, which abandoned the line of "national solidarity" at the initiative of the Secretary Enrico Berlinguer, was siding (even with great internal contradictions) on the line of the democratic alternative. In
PdUP prevailed, if I allowed a "synthetic judgments a priori" choice of the community, and in this sense, it created the electoral agreement with the PCI in 1983 and the results demonstrated the great capacity for dialogue in leaders PdUP available, at the base and the electorate of the PCI. The agreement was renewed with the PCI-PdUP European Elections 1984: the death of Enrico Berlinguer , which occurred right during the election campaign, not only accelerated the process of crisis and internal division PCI, but also squeezed the margins of political maneuvering autonomous PdUP, within the communist. Derived as the choice of flow into the PCI, agreed with the successor of Berlinguer Alessandro Natta.
It was a difficult decision, accepted by the vast majority of PdUP (not merged into the PCI, one of the most prominent leaders: Ivano Di Cerbo, Eliseo Milani and Lidia Menapace, the latter by virtue of its development policy on the crisis and the relation to the movements, strongly anticipating that the situation would be created in the years to come). The confluence of the card of The Communist Manifesto for the 1974 year and that of PdUP seguentePdUP was inserted in the PCI, and then within the complex story of the final part of the life of PCI demonstrated through the capacity for reflection and proposals of those who were its principal leaders in the final period (with Magri and Castellina, representatives of the thread of continuity with the experience of the years 60, one can cite Pettinari, Life, Crucianelli, Serafini) particular incisiveness in the harrowing tale of being disbanded, after the turn of Occhetto "Bolognina" (think, in particular, the report drawn up by Lucio Magri, in Arc seminar in October 1990, organized from the "NO" means a relationship that can still be taken for example as a concrete proposal Italian communist renewal of identity). Unlike
was instead the result of a confluence of the former leadership of the project PdUP Refoundation Communist times (as I said earlier) were irrevocably changed and just the difficulty in that 'opportunity to demonstrate how, in closing, political experience arising from the "Manifesto" and then continued with the PdUP (keeping, of course, the notice of all changes in "social structure" that have accumulated over the years) was really linked to a particular, specific vision of the community, with reference to what had been, with its size, its contradictions, its PCI tragedies.
If I may be allowed a final assessment, background, I can say that the point of continuity in the event of the "Manifesto", a political group, and then the PdUP as a party was represented by three main questions addressed to the PCI, in the late '60s, the group of those who had been struck, the first question was about a different view of social relations and the relevance of a break in the West, the second question was about the urgency of a joint position in international, surpassing since that time the relationship of trust with the USSR (a subject on which PdUP Manifesto and held firm to arrange the positions in 1978 in Venice, the first conference with the participation of dissidents from the left "of the East. Congress did not consider that the PCI should be involved officially) to the third question posed about the life of the party of opening the cultural contamination and the possibility of representation of different political positions within it.
three points, now exposed, I do still ponder who lived, while in another position, one step away now.
Franco AstengoAgosto 2004
Bergamo, she was born, "Il Manifesto" Bergamo, when he was born, "Il Manifesto"
Eliseo Milani
A city of the strengths of the Manifesto Group was Bergamo. Here the communist left has relied on membership and consensus since 1965, a preparatory year of the XI Congress of the Communist Party, which would then be held in Rome in January 1966. Why Bergamo, a city traditionally white and the strong hold of the DC election? Before talking about the specific events of the communist left, just remember that in the early fifties a group of young intellectuals left the Democrats calling for an opening on the left Catholic world: Lucio Magri, Joseph and Charles Leidi declarant were the tread. All three went in different stages in PCI although someone in Rome - Giancarlo Pajetta for example - would have preferred to constitute an organization of the Catholic left in a position to worry the Democrats. Ross Magri would direct the poster Rossanda monthly declarant would have abstained on our radiation from the PCI, Leiden would never tired of dealing with the vicissitudes of daily manifest atypical putting his skills as a notary in the service of the newspaper. Myself, I have been for eleven years secretary of the Communist Federation of Bergamo, I was a member of the patrol deputies who in 1969 joined the manifesto and were struck by the PCI (with me, there were Massimo Caprara, Luigi Pintor, and Aldo Natoli Freed bronze). XI Congress of the Communist Party to exist in Bergamo - the first in the history of that party in which an association has voted by a majority as opposed to a document the national leadership - is the culmination of a long and tortured debate, but also its political processes that were deployed in Milan in the original node. Bergamo, in the early sixties, was a city where the communists remained nailed to 7-10%. In the lists for municipal candidates were almost all workers, with the exception of one doctor and one or two employees. The Democrats could enjoy the absolute majority of the vote, while up to us to represent the working class factory (Dalmine and Ilva in the first place). The 100 000 workers were present in Bergamo two key areas: textiles and clothing and mechanical metallurgy. The Communist Party after the war it was most concerned to entrench the party in the factory. The "New Party" in Togliatti was not closed and self-sufficient in alliances, but also in Bergamo sway rule that only the workers' struggles (trade union and political) could move to the left and create other social contradictions in which he was a Catholic reference giant Democrat. We should add, however, that very often the action of the party was in danger of falling into a sort of weak "manufacture" means the Communist Party became outright support of the fight sindacale.Ma own in the early sixties, which are those of the economic boom and an initial modernization of Italy, a crack starts front of the Catholic tradition. The PCI, which is not enough to maintain its strength at the factory, trying to adopt a more widespread in society. And 'that's when we try to have an alternative plan of the city, starting with the fight on the town plan, and we develop a project linking the future of the city and the surrounding valleys. E 'right on the new dimension of design that must take political action that opens a comparison twisted communist identity and Catholic identity in a city as unique as Bergamo. I remember, for example, the birth of the Committee on Freedom of Vietnam consists of the secretaries all parties and with the accession of eleven priests, including Father Turoldo.Ma highlight the episode that marks deep in the process of renewal of the PCI in Bergamo is the speech devoted to the question Catholic Togliatti held in the city March 20 1963 at the conclusion of a planning conference of the party. The speech, titled after the destinies of man on the pages of the weekly Renaissance, is an event for Bergamo. I, who was still secretary of the Federation, I was able to obtain from Togliatti's commitment to deliver a speech in thickness although we were in a tough election campaign. In 1963 we were in full innovator of the pontificate of John XXIII (Pope Roncalli, it must be remembered, had its roots in popular Catholicism Bergamo) and had already opened the Second Vatican Council that innovate the teaching of the Church. Togliatti put his own speech in that scenario that has ravaged the Catholic conservatism. Politically, moreover, must bear in mind it was concluded that the centrism of the governments and Scelba Tambroni and in 1963 - the year that will mark a positive advancement of the Communist Party in parliamentary elections - the picture was marked by the first center-left government led by Amintore Fanfani.Togliatti speak words intended to weigh both nationally and in the concrete situation of Bergamo: identify new opportunities for the meeting between Catholics and Communists (Not just the Council, but the outcome of the XX Congress of the CPSU, that of "de-Stalinization" initiated by Nikita Khrushchev) next to the need for a common commitment to peace in the era of nuclear weapons. To save a civilization made of common culture and values \u200b\u200b- say Togliatti - we need joint action by the Communists and Catholics. The leader of the Communist Party takes the key to the fact that the development neocapitalistic eventually degrade human potential, which still remains the central subject is the initiative of the Communists and the Catholics. After the death of Togliatti, the PCI opens a confrontation / clash between two views: that of Giorgio Amendola, which proposes a "party only "between the communists and socialists as they moved the experience of the center-left governments and there was the division of PSIUP; to Pietro Ingrao, which gives priority to the project and the value of innovative reforms in the context of emphasizing the transformation of Italian capitalism necessary renewal of the party. Already a Central Committee that he had discussed the proposed Amendola came the vote of dissent of some comrades (Luigi Pintor, Aniello Coppola, Ninette Zandegiacomo, Aldo Natoli, my, as I remember that Rossanda Ross was absent from the meeting for other commitments) . That division is reflected on the life of the Federation of Bergamo. When the thesis was submitted to the Eleventh Congress, touched me illustrate. From a certain point precisai that I speak personally because I had to explain my "no" in the Central Committee and above all my reservations about Tesi.Quando the Provincial Congress took place in Bergamo at the beginning of January 1966, it fell again I - Secretary of the Federation - to make the introductory speech which reiterated some distinctions of line and echoed many of the positions expressed in various forums by Pietro Ingrao. That conference was followed on behalf of the national executive board by Rinaldo, Assistant Secretary of the CGIL. It was he who groped a few steps to smooth the final motion of Congress who expressed strong reservations about the thesis paper. During the meeting of the Political Committee that worked on the drafting of the final resolution, we announced that he would speak in Congress against our positions on behalf of the National Office (in the climate of those years, the announcement amounted to a threat because he was very strong sense of discipline to Dark Shops). Card kept his word, after he revealed his vain attempts to change the mozione.Ho reread the January 1966 Employee of Bergamo, who was the magazine of the Federation of Bergamo PCI. The motion of the Provincial Congress that was passed with only two abstentions. In it was confirmed a strong criticism of the policy of the center, beside the need to relaunch the initiative working over a period of reforms in a position to design new social and economic scenarios. In a passage from that document reads: "A new majority is not achieved as a confluence of forces disappointed by the center around a minimum program. It can only be the result of a profound process of development and political action, economic and social. " Ponevamo Finally, the theme of "internal democracy" to the party: the participation of members to the choices, their full involvement even when - as in the case of the Central Committee that I mentioned earlier - there is dissension in the national leadership. These are issues which will return in the discussion of the communist left at the turn of 1968 student and 1969 workers, in XII National Congress of Bologna in February 1969 in which the left will be marginalized by the internal management of the party in the confrontation that gave birth to the first month, the manifest and then, when the radiation came from the PCI promoter of his group, homonymous group experience politico.Voglio finally be noted that once the outcome of the XI Congress in Bergamo was excluded from the Central Committee at that time meant going to disagree to a meeting fierce reaction from the apparatus. There was the protest of my Federation and the confrontation turned hot, when you had to decide the nominations to the House in the elections of 1968, the Federal Committee held my full name, while there were pressures from Rome and Milan were penalized for our political positions. I remember these episodes testify about me just because the majority orientation largely on which he moved the entire Federazione.Fu just natural that the Federation of Bergamo, who had that role in the debates of previous years, was at the forefront in November of 1969 against the choices of the Central Committee decided to expel the promoters of the monthly poster. In the sixties we had acquired in a border city to the Communists the need for a profound renewal of political, cultural and organizational PCI. A renewal that were more sensitive because it exposed traditional hegemony of the Christian Democrats which could see the first crisis. On November 3, 1969 agenda was approved by me at the joint meeting of the Federal Committee and the Audit Commission of Bergamo which discussed the "case" the poster: by 24 votes in favor, 13 against and 6 abstentions was rejected the choice of defining "activity frazionistica" the birth of the month. But here begins another story. (From the manifesto19 June 1999)
