Sunday, April 10, 2005
What Happens If A Kidney Stone Gets Stuck?
The noise of the sun that helps to live and write
Marco Marcelli
with the sound of the sun (The alley publisher, € 14.00, pp 117), Xavier Tutino gives us a new chapter in the "saga" dedicated to himself. A valuable contribution to the reading of which the author introduces us, journalist and writer, outlining the salient points: "Two friends and two myths off in the confusion of the Cold War. A love and a non-heated. A shield shattered. Five stories from childhood to old age. " In fact, in the pages of The sound of the sun is much more than that. Tutino has invented a style, "a way of describing life, original and effective, as well summarizes Lidia Ravera, signing the presentation:" A man who lives traveling in politics and policy, it moves between Cuba and Uruguay, Paris and Brussels, but never ceases to travel even within himself. " And it does all that, you can add, weaving courageously, without exaggeration, the self and the world, the history and the most intimate and painful events. The author recounts the last twenty-five years of his life moving from the attack the Cuban revolution, the Red Brigades terrorism to cancer, without changes in tone or rhythm to emphasize the passage from one dimension to another, but always keeping the eyes of those who seek the roots of the events in which they are immersed. "To evoke a distant time also means to regain self-control", says on page 82, and is perhaps in this affirmation, the sense of an autobiography written and rewritten constantly, scattered in a dozen books and countless articles, a diary long as life. The diary, the autobiography as a favorite instrument of "seeing oneself through others," while recognizing the character of "writing essentially unreliable." The habit of traveling the world and love of others, because only this can give the breath that is lacking when it looks after itself, led Tutino to give birth in Pieve Santo Stefano al Archives of Autobiography popular first emerged in the West. Five diaries and memories of the so-called "ordinary people", collected in twenty years, from 1984 to 2004, "to the memory of the Italians." But the noise of the sun is above all a long, anguished reflection on writing by the world and medicine for the soul (for Tutino, writing has become even more of a rage from 1989 onwards, the year that changed the world and the certainties that had lived up to that point: writing is well served to question the changes in defense without retreat). The words of Montaigne succor the author to capture the healing power of storytelling: "Painting for the others I have painted in colors that were not the primitive net. I am not so I made my book than my book has made me "(page 86). And, again, this time resorting to Rousseau: "I understand that the player did not want to know too many things, but I need to tell me." But the firm intention not to make himself "the main character of his life" emerges mostly from the memories of Saverio Tutino special envoy to Latin America, in France of De Gaulle, Stalin's USSR and Mao's China. In his travels often extraordinary meeting with destiny allows him to use the myth as a base to build a modern culture of resistance against the mechanisms of the domain of the rich world to the poor. Tutino is forty years old when, in 1962, the Unit Cuba will send it to the Resistance in Piedmont and Valle D'Aosta (in 1944 and 1945 was political commissar of the 76th Brigade Garibaldi). Havana Ernesto Guevara listens to talk to young people, telling them that they must remain vigilant, especially in the face of injustice, "able to disobey and oppose" and "knowing how to discuss and seek clarification on anything that is unclear." As she recounts Cuba, the memory runs at a school friend, Lorenzo Milani. Tutino and he attended the same high school in Milan, in the year "in which Mussolini imposed fascism, a way of life without thinking." Tutino, however, that the war had become "militant journalist" has always thought that one could be militants "without satisfy the model of a culture of party." Not so the leaders of the Communist Party at that time, if it is correct, as the hero of those events, that "I looked Pajetta repeated the party's most militant of the Cuban Italian party." And, finally, with the exemption Tutino pay their intellectual freedom that continues to exert tuttoggi.Ultima record. In the stories that have more recent dates and more explicit form of diary, repeatedly used the name of Glory: the companion and the wife to whom this book is dedicated. Together, we hear "the sound of the sun."
Muk Luk Slipper Socks
Our last conversations were full of future
A man and a political leader in the round
Our last conversations were full of future
Alfonso Gianni
Liberation December 29, 2004 I met
Eliseo Milani later. Later, with regard to his long political militancy. Now is exactly the past quarter of a century is not just between people in attendance. I met him he was already an authority on the diverse field to the left of the Left Party. What is more important in the past had a PCI, particularly in that of Bergamo was part of the historical group of the Manifesto, was a senior Pdup. I met him on one occasion one of the least conducive in the course of negotiations that no matter how limited it was also harsh and saw that there actually opposed each to represent the legitimate interests of their organization. It was to decide electoral agreements between Pdup and MLS for the parliamentary elections of 1979. Elisha instilled a certain fear, had a reputation as a man often gruff and surly behavior. It made great turns of phrase and went to the point. The fact was then that can arise where a love or hate, indifference was excluded. For my part I was born a deep respect and affection. I understand that only a check to prevent more challenging to define a noun. That estimate and that affection has been strengthened over the years, the political and parliamentary work, attendance in private, it became particularly intense when the health forced him to abandon active politics. But Elisha did not give some the edge of a long political argument that he constantly proposed, providing advice always dictated by a great sense of reality. Who believed that Elisha was not primarily a theorist would say the truth, but to think that he was essentially a good organizer and a strong party man, catch only a small aspect of his personality more complex. Elisha was a man and a political leader in the round. The policy was his great passion. The Common, that can not even be thought without a deep knowledge of the real movement of society, without a strong emotional connection with people.
Here were the roots of Elisha. It also showed his stories when he spoke of the practical life of many years ago, in the Bergamo valleys, that dignified but severe poverty, which he remembered without lacrimosità or rhetoric, even with the ironic nostalgia that characterizes the people who have a sense of history and the complexity of human affairs. If you happen to enter the last house inhabited by Eliseo in Rome, found it full of books of history and the history of ideas, rather than political chronicles. But these readings, conquered without having had the good fortune to an adequate education in what was his life, allowed him to power and political instinct and intuition to merit consideration even in areas very different from ours that has never failed.
His political history is, at least to me, the paradigmatic and enviable. Elisha was a manufacturer of Italian communism, but never resting on its results. He has always taken a steep street and uncomfortable, looking forward and not back to what he left, and he traveled with intelligence, courage and great humanity, thinly veiled, perhaps atavistic shame, the edginess of the character.
Now this life is over. Its not the end comes to us unexpected, but no less painful. Recently, his life was like a rope that was stretched more and more, ready to snap at any moment, but the strength of his soul and even his mood have never abandoned. Our last conversations were full of the future, both for large as for the little things. I think, therefore, clear that it is turned off. I am convinced that he did not even make us suffer. Hello, Elisha.
A man and a political leader in the round
Our last conversations were full of future
Alfonso Gianni
Liberation December 29, 2004 I met
Eliseo Milani later. Later, with regard to his long political militancy. Now is exactly the past quarter of a century is not just between people in attendance. I met him he was already an authority on the diverse field to the left of the Left Party. What is more important in the past had a PCI, particularly in that of Bergamo was part of the historical group of the Manifesto, was a senior Pdup. I met him on one occasion one of the least conducive in the course of negotiations that no matter how limited it was also harsh and saw that there actually opposed each to represent the legitimate interests of their organization. It was to decide electoral agreements between Pdup and MLS for the parliamentary elections of 1979. Elisha instilled a certain fear, had a reputation as a man often gruff and surly behavior. It made great turns of phrase and went to the point. The fact was then that can arise where a love or hate, indifference was excluded. For my part I was born a deep respect and affection. I understand that only a check to prevent more challenging to define a noun. That estimate and that affection has been strengthened over the years, the political and parliamentary work, attendance in private, it became particularly intense when the health forced him to abandon active politics. But Elisha did not give some the edge of a long political argument that he constantly proposed, providing advice always dictated by a great sense of reality. Who believed that Elisha was not primarily a theorist would say the truth, but to think that he was essentially a good organizer and a strong party man, catch only a small aspect of his personality more complex. Elisha was a man and a political leader in the round. The policy was his great passion. The Common, that can not even be thought without a deep knowledge of the real movement of society, without a strong emotional connection with people.
Here were the roots of Elisha. It also showed his stories when he spoke of the practical life of many years ago, in the Bergamo valleys, that dignified but severe poverty, which he remembered without lacrimosità or rhetoric, even with the ironic nostalgia that characterizes the people who have a sense of history and the complexity of human affairs. If you happen to enter the last house inhabited by Eliseo in Rome, found it full of books of history and the history of ideas, rather than political chronicles. But these readings, conquered without having had the good fortune to an adequate education in what was his life, allowed him to power and political instinct and intuition to merit consideration even in areas very different from ours that has never failed.
His political history is, at least to me, the paradigmatic and enviable. Elisha was a manufacturer of Italian communism, but never resting on its results. He has always taken a steep street and uncomfortable, looking forward and not back to what he left, and he traveled with intelligence, courage and great humanity, thinly veiled, perhaps atavistic shame, the edginess of the character.
Now this life is over. Its not the end comes to us unexpected, but no less painful. Recently, his life was like a rope that was stretched more and more, ready to snap at any moment, but the strength of his soul and even his mood have never abandoned. Our last conversations were full of the future, both for large as for the little things. I think, therefore, clear that it is turned off. I am convinced that he did not even make us suffer. Hello, Elisha.
What To Do When Your Arch Falls
Matthew Rossi new secretary of the Youth Left
Matthew Rossi new secretary of the Youth Left
Posted by Roncalli on 18/01/2005 15:48:00 (Tritium Web )
Matthew Rossi was elected secretary of the Left Democrats of the City of Bergamo during the meeting last Saturday with 71% of the votes of delegates. Rossi, 28, majoring in political science, member of the New Town Hall, in the last three years he was provincial secretary of the Left youth, assumed office after years of training efforts for socio-political oratory Bonate Above and in the Vicariate Isle of Bergamo. At the Congress of the DS is not a party any motion, arguing instead the lines expressed by the "document of the 22" and referring to the positions expressed by national leaders such as Walter Veltroni, Giovanna Melandri, Sergio Cofferati. At the local level was in Congress through a document entitled "Flip the pyramids" supported across the board within the party. In his introductory Rossi recalled the figures of his companions and Eliseo Milani Fioravante Branca, identified as the main function of the DS of Bergamo in this historical period the construction of a people and a European dimension from the bottom up, in particular the choices and the administrative style of the City Council and the Executive Bruni. He also placed as one of the priority themes of the organizational reform, increasing openness and the ability to experiment with new forms of participatory democracy in the center and the city area from the construction of the Federation Olive Tree and the Democratic Alliance as the common house and shared by all the people of the center. Finally place as issues crucial to the city resolve the matter Gleno, the adoption of a fund for international cooperation and setting up projects for Bergamo ecostostenibile and multicultural. In the next weeks the appointment of the secretariat and will complement the theme of the tasks under the new management team in DS città .Matteo Rossi can be contacted through the following channels: Email: mat.ro @ virgilio.it phone: 3480469799fisso: 035248180
Matthew Rossi new secretary of the Youth Left
Posted by Roncalli on 18/01/2005 15:48:00 (Tritium Web )
Matthew Rossi was elected secretary of the Left Democrats of the City of Bergamo during the meeting last Saturday with 71% of the votes of delegates. Rossi, 28, majoring in political science, member of the New Town Hall, in the last three years he was provincial secretary of the Left youth, assumed office after years of training efforts for socio-political oratory Bonate Above and in the Vicariate Isle of Bergamo. At the Congress of the DS is not a party any motion, arguing instead the lines expressed by the "document of the 22" and referring to the positions expressed by national leaders such as Walter Veltroni, Giovanna Melandri, Sergio Cofferati. At the local level was in Congress through a document entitled "Flip the pyramids" supported across the board within the party. In his introductory Rossi recalled the figures of his companions and Eliseo Milani Fioravante Branca, identified as the main function of the DS of Bergamo in this historical period the construction of a people and a European dimension from the bottom up, in particular the choices and the administrative style of the City Council and the Executive Bruni. He also placed as one of the priority themes of the organizational reform, increasing openness and the ability to experiment with new forms of participatory democracy in the center and the city area from the construction of the Federation Olive Tree and the Democratic Alliance as the common house and shared by all the people of the center. Finally place as issues crucial to the city resolve the matter Gleno, the adoption of a fund for international cooperation and setting up projects for Bergamo ecostostenibile and multicultural. In the next weeks the appointment of the secretariat and will complement the theme of the tasks under the new management team in DS città .Matteo Rossi can be contacted through the following channels: Email: mat.ro @ virgilio.it phone: 3480469799fisso: 035248180
Como Pega Refined Produce Em Nostale Global
The conclusion of a political experience
The conclusion of a political experience
Twenty years ago, flowed into the PCI PdUP
Twenty years ago, between the summer and autumn of 1984, ended the political life of PdUP for Communism with the confluence (for many it was a trip) the vast majority of his paintings in the PCI.
An important story for those who lived it, but also for the anomaly represented by the "diversity" of this political formation of cracks, splits and combinations (the times were very different from the present ...) in between the traditional Communist left and the new left sessantottino extraction; between the "form party" classic and specificity of contiguous (and, in the first phase, superimposed on) the experience of the "Manifesto", journal, political group, daily.
do not have, of course, the ability to properly analyze the cultural experience of PdUP (at the time of the dissolution came a wondrous instant-book, written by Aldo Garzia), but I would also run the risk of writing, albeit briefly just because I happened to participate in that experience, from beginning to end. The history of PdUP is closely linked with that of the "Manifesto", a political group inside the PCI join the group after the XI Congress of 1966. A political group that represented, at that point in the immediate post-Togliatti (in the opinion of Rossana Rossanda), the last and perhaps more coherent, comprehensive and radical expression of Gramsci's thesis first, and then ingraiana, the "war of position" as the mature form and present in the Italian revolution.
The Manifesto was born around this nucleus of thought, as dissidents inside the PCI: only later did make it a point of reference for similar or different experiences. An internal dissidence CIP, which had started with the resumption of fights that occurred in the late 50s, through the elaboration of the issues of capital and factory (think Panzieri and the "Quaderni Rossi"), the impact of events of July 60 (last fires of resistance or the first stirrings of '68?) on the re-articulation social analysis, which took place until the PCI death of Togliatti , even before the advent of the first center, the battle for the succession of the same Togliatti, who died in the summer of 1964 , but that stopped on a line that is not recognized, indeed, the radical nature of the "war of position".
The explosion of '68, the story of the "Prague Spring" and the subsequent invasion of Czechoslovakia, defined the position of many of the finest animated fellow who had, until that point, the battle ingraiana (which had the same Ingrao imposed erroneously limit to separate the idea of trench warfare, the idea of \u200b\u200b"breaking") to precipitate the exclusion from the Party (November 1969 and prior, in that autumn had released the first issue of the magazine, received with great interest in many quarters of the Italian left ) by Pintor, Rossanda, Natoli, Eliseo Milani, Magri, Castellina, Maone.
The group poster (while implementing the transformation of the magazine in newspaper) tried, then, different roads to the aggregation of these opposing forces then in the political landscape. The merger was attempted with the most important exponents of the former PSIUP not incorporated into the PCI, after the electoral defeat of 1972 (the electoral card was attempted on this occasion also from the Manifesto, presenting the candidacy of Peter Valpreda, at that time held for the massacre of Piazza Fontana, with strongly negative outcome). The meeting between the group and former PSIUP Manifesto gave birth in 1974, the training of PdUP for Communism. It was a complex affair, whose backdrop was represented by the contradictory and dramatic events of those years, marked by terrorism, by a deep economic crisis, experience (tempted by PCI) of "national solidarity". In
PdUP there never was a true integration between the two groups of managers, from different experiences and deeply divided over the underlying judgments of the crisis, and programmatic needs that linked to it, to govern (a setting, the "government crisis", from the group of events, notably at the initiative of Lucio Magri, author, in January 1974 of an important document on the subject). The split between the Manifesto and former PSIUP finally occurred in 1977 at the height of the experience of national solidarity, which had been following the election results of June 20, 1976 dell'imperversare and terrorism (with the kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro, in the spring of 1978, would reach the top of your dish), following on the occasion of the presentation to the electoral politics of 1976 there had been signs of a split (on the one hand Foa, Miniati, Hut, In 1975 he was elected regional councilor in Lombardy, was a "plank" one of the revolutionaries including Lotta Continua, which later became the symbol of Proletarian Democracy in collecting a modest result, at the very moment of maximum expansion of the electoral PCI by 'other leaders of the "Manifesto" that they would prefer a more uniform election and "identity" of a specific area of \u200b\u200bthe "new left" to include the Workers Vanguard).
In subsequent years, there are other moments of rupture and recomposition (1978 Congress of Viareggio, with the separation of "cross" between members of the "Manifesto", in particular with Rossanda and Spoken Word, and AO, especially Aurelio fields, due to differences on the underlying assessment of the progress and prospects of "national solidarity", and the relationship with the movements that had marked the last phase of the 70s, Congress in Rome in 1981, with the confluence of the PdUP dell'MLS of the Milan group, led by Luca Cafiero). The PdUP, though deeply modified in its composition from these successive processes of detachment and approach, not abdicated, never to attempt to represent a reference point provided within the Italian left, an analysis of cultural identity, without giving up, at the same time, to indicate in a political perspective and programmatically feasible (the alternative).
In the late '70s (a period marked in PdUP, the choice of positive self-presentation in the elections of 1979, while at the same time he failed a new plan to combine the "revolutionary", appearing under the banner of the cartel NSU) and early 80s, still stirred a debate between the choice of trying to represent a "third pole" in the left, is to place far inside the common, working, in essence, a critical stimulus from outside and on the subject of the debate addressed mainly to the need for a transformation of the PCI, which abandoned the line of "national solidarity" at the initiative of the Secretary Enrico Berlinguer, was siding (even with great internal contradictions) on the line of the democratic alternative. In
PdUP prevailed, if I allowed a "synthetic judgments a priori" choice of the community, and in this sense, it created the electoral agreement with the PCI in 1983 and the results demonstrated the great capacity for dialogue in leaders PdUP available, at the base and the electorate of the PCI. The agreement was renewed with the PCI-PdUP European Elections 1984: the death of Enrico Berlinguer , which occurred right during the election campaign, not only accelerated the process of crisis and internal division PCI, but also squeezed the margins of political maneuvering autonomous PdUP, within the communist. Derived as the choice of flow into the PCI, agreed with the successor of Berlinguer Alessandro Natta.
It was a difficult decision, accepted by the vast majority of PdUP (not merged into the PCI, one of the most prominent leaders: Ivano Di Cerbo, Eliseo Milani and Lidia Menapace, the latter by virtue of its development policy on the crisis and the relation to the movements, strongly anticipating that the situation would be created in the years to come). The confluence of the card of The Communist Manifesto for the 1974 year and that of PdUP seguentePdUP was inserted in the PCI, and then within the complex story of the final part of the life of PCI demonstrated through the capacity for reflection and proposals of those who were its principal leaders in the final period (with Magri and Castellina, representatives of the thread of continuity with the experience of the years 60, one can cite Pettinari, Life, Crucianelli, Serafini) particular incisiveness in the harrowing tale of being disbanded, after the turn of Occhetto "Bolognina" (think, in particular, the report drawn up by Lucio Magri, in Arc seminar in October 1990, organized from the "NO" means a relationship that can still be taken for example as a concrete proposal Italian communist renewal of identity). Unlike
was instead the result of a confluence of the former leadership of the project PdUP Refoundation Communist times (as I said earlier) were irrevocably changed and just the difficulty in that 'opportunity to demonstrate how, in closing, political experience arising from the "Manifesto" and then continued with the PdUP (keeping, of course, the notice of all changes in "social structure" that have accumulated over the years) was really linked to a particular, specific vision of the community, with reference to what had been, with its size, its contradictions, its PCI tragedies.
If I may be allowed a final assessment, background, I can say that the point of continuity in the event of the "Manifesto", a political group, and then the PdUP as a party was represented by three main questions addressed to the PCI, in the late '60s, the group of those who had been struck, the first question was about a different view of social relations and the relevance of a break in the West, the second question was about the urgency of a joint position in international, surpassing since that time the relationship of trust with the USSR (a subject on which PdUP Manifesto and held firm to arrange the positions in 1978 in Venice, the first conference with the participation of dissidents from the left "of the East. Congress did not consider that the PCI should be involved officially) to the third question posed about the life of the party of opening the cultural contamination and the possibility of representation of different political positions within it.
three points, now exposed, I do still ponder who lived, while in another position, one step away now.
Franco AstengoAgosto 2004
The conclusion of a political experience
Twenty years ago, flowed into the PCI PdUP
Twenty years ago, between the summer and autumn of 1984, ended the political life of PdUP for Communism with the confluence (for many it was a trip) the vast majority of his paintings in the PCI.
An important story for those who lived it, but also for the anomaly represented by the "diversity" of this political formation of cracks, splits and combinations (the times were very different from the present ...) in between the traditional Communist left and the new left sessantottino extraction; between the "form party" classic and specificity of contiguous (and, in the first phase, superimposed on) the experience of the "Manifesto", journal, political group, daily.
do not have, of course, the ability to properly analyze the cultural experience of PdUP (at the time of the dissolution came a wondrous instant-book, written by Aldo Garzia), but I would also run the risk of writing, albeit briefly just because I happened to participate in that experience, from beginning to end. The history of PdUP is closely linked with that of the "Manifesto", a political group inside the PCI join the group after the XI Congress of 1966. A political group that represented, at that point in the immediate post-Togliatti (in the opinion of Rossana Rossanda), the last and perhaps more coherent, comprehensive and radical expression of Gramsci's thesis first, and then ingraiana, the "war of position" as the mature form and present in the Italian revolution.
The Manifesto was born around this nucleus of thought, as dissidents inside the PCI: only later did make it a point of reference for similar or different experiences. An internal dissidence CIP, which had started with the resumption of fights that occurred in the late 50s, through the elaboration of the issues of capital and factory (think Panzieri and the "Quaderni Rossi"), the impact of events of July 60 (last fires of resistance or the first stirrings of '68?) on the re-articulation social analysis, which took place until the PCI death of Togliatti , even before the advent of the first center, the battle for the succession of the same Togliatti, who died in the summer of 1964 , but that stopped on a line that is not recognized, indeed, the radical nature of the "war of position".
The explosion of '68, the story of the "Prague Spring" and the subsequent invasion of Czechoslovakia, defined the position of many of the finest animated fellow who had, until that point, the battle ingraiana (which had the same Ingrao imposed erroneously limit to separate the idea of trench warfare, the idea of \u200b\u200b"breaking") to precipitate the exclusion from the Party (November 1969 and prior, in that autumn had released the first issue of the magazine, received with great interest in many quarters of the Italian left ) by Pintor, Rossanda, Natoli, Eliseo Milani, Magri, Castellina, Maone.
The group poster (while implementing the transformation of the magazine in newspaper) tried, then, different roads to the aggregation of these opposing forces then in the political landscape. The merger was attempted with the most important exponents of the former PSIUP not incorporated into the PCI, after the electoral defeat of 1972 (the electoral card was attempted on this occasion also from the Manifesto, presenting the candidacy of Peter Valpreda, at that time held for the massacre of Piazza Fontana, with strongly negative outcome). The meeting between the group and former PSIUP Manifesto gave birth in 1974, the training of PdUP for Communism. It was a complex affair, whose backdrop was represented by the contradictory and dramatic events of those years, marked by terrorism, by a deep economic crisis, experience (tempted by PCI) of "national solidarity". In
PdUP there never was a true integration between the two groups of managers, from different experiences and deeply divided over the underlying judgments of the crisis, and programmatic needs that linked to it, to govern (a setting, the "government crisis", from the group of events, notably at the initiative of Lucio Magri, author, in January 1974 of an important document on the subject). The split between the Manifesto and former PSIUP finally occurred in 1977 at the height of the experience of national solidarity, which had been following the election results of June 20, 1976 dell'imperversare and terrorism (with the kidnapping and murder of Aldo Moro, in the spring of 1978, would reach the top of your dish), following on the occasion of the presentation to the electoral politics of 1976 there had been signs of a split (on the one hand Foa, Miniati, Hut, In 1975 he was elected regional councilor in Lombardy, was a "plank" one of the revolutionaries including Lotta Continua, which later became the symbol of Proletarian Democracy in collecting a modest result, at the very moment of maximum expansion of the electoral PCI by 'other leaders of the "Manifesto" that they would prefer a more uniform election and "identity" of a specific area of \u200b\u200bthe "new left" to include the Workers Vanguard).
In subsequent years, there are other moments of rupture and recomposition (1978 Congress of Viareggio, with the separation of "cross" between members of the "Manifesto", in particular with Rossanda and Spoken Word, and AO, especially Aurelio fields, due to differences on the underlying assessment of the progress and prospects of "national solidarity", and the relationship with the movements that had marked the last phase of the 70s, Congress in Rome in 1981, with the confluence of the PdUP dell'MLS of the Milan group, led by Luca Cafiero). The PdUP, though deeply modified in its composition from these successive processes of detachment and approach, not abdicated, never to attempt to represent a reference point provided within the Italian left, an analysis of cultural identity, without giving up, at the same time, to indicate in a political perspective and programmatically feasible (the alternative).
In the late '70s (a period marked in PdUP, the choice of positive self-presentation in the elections of 1979, while at the same time he failed a new plan to combine the "revolutionary", appearing under the banner of the cartel NSU) and early 80s, still stirred a debate between the choice of trying to represent a "third pole" in the left, is to place far inside the common, working, in essence, a critical stimulus from outside and on the subject of the debate addressed mainly to the need for a transformation of the PCI, which abandoned the line of "national solidarity" at the initiative of the Secretary Enrico Berlinguer, was siding (even with great internal contradictions) on the line of the democratic alternative. In
PdUP prevailed, if I allowed a "synthetic judgments a priori" choice of the community, and in this sense, it created the electoral agreement with the PCI in 1983 and the results demonstrated the great capacity for dialogue in leaders PdUP available, at the base and the electorate of the PCI. The agreement was renewed with the PCI-PdUP European Elections 1984: the death of Enrico Berlinguer , which occurred right during the election campaign, not only accelerated the process of crisis and internal division PCI, but also squeezed the margins of political maneuvering autonomous PdUP, within the communist. Derived as the choice of flow into the PCI, agreed with the successor of Berlinguer Alessandro Natta.
It was a difficult decision, accepted by the vast majority of PdUP (not merged into the PCI, one of the most prominent leaders: Ivano Di Cerbo, Eliseo Milani and Lidia Menapace, the latter by virtue of its development policy on the crisis and the relation to the movements, strongly anticipating that the situation would be created in the years to come). The confluence of the card of The Communist Manifesto for the 1974 year and that of PdUP seguentePdUP was inserted in the PCI, and then within the complex story of the final part of the life of PCI demonstrated through the capacity for reflection and proposals of those who were its principal leaders in the final period (with Magri and Castellina, representatives of the thread of continuity with the experience of the years 60, one can cite Pettinari, Life, Crucianelli, Serafini) particular incisiveness in the harrowing tale of being disbanded, after the turn of Occhetto "Bolognina" (think, in particular, the report drawn up by Lucio Magri, in Arc seminar in October 1990, organized from the "NO" means a relationship that can still be taken for example as a concrete proposal Italian communist renewal of identity). Unlike
was instead the result of a confluence of the former leadership of the project PdUP Refoundation Communist times (as I said earlier) were irrevocably changed and just the difficulty in that 'opportunity to demonstrate how, in closing, political experience arising from the "Manifesto" and then continued with the PdUP (keeping, of course, the notice of all changes in "social structure" that have accumulated over the years) was really linked to a particular, specific vision of the community, with reference to what had been, with its size, its contradictions, its PCI tragedies.
If I may be allowed a final assessment, background, I can say that the point of continuity in the event of the "Manifesto", a political group, and then the PdUP as a party was represented by three main questions addressed to the PCI, in the late '60s, the group of those who had been struck, the first question was about a different view of social relations and the relevance of a break in the West, the second question was about the urgency of a joint position in international, surpassing since that time the relationship of trust with the USSR (a subject on which PdUP Manifesto and held firm to arrange the positions in 1978 in Venice, the first conference with the participation of dissidents from the left "of the East. Congress did not consider that the PCI should be involved officially) to the third question posed about the life of the party of opening the cultural contamination and the possibility of representation of different political positions within it.
three points, now exposed, I do still ponder who lived, while in another position, one step away now.
Franco AstengoAgosto 2004
Kate Playground Hadcore
Bergamo, she was born, "Il Manifesto"
Bergamo, when he was born, "Il Manifesto"
Eliseo Milani
A city of the strengths of the Manifesto Group was Bergamo. Here the communist left has relied on membership and consensus since 1965, a preparatory year of the XI Congress of the Communist Party, which would then be held in Rome in January 1966. Why Bergamo, a city traditionally white and the strong hold of the DC election? Before talking about the specific events of the communist left, just remember that in the early fifties a group of young intellectuals left the Democrats calling for an opening on the left Catholic world: Lucio Magri, Joseph and Charles Leidi declarant were the tread. All three went in different stages in PCI although someone in Rome - Giancarlo Pajetta for example - would have preferred to constitute an organization of the Catholic left in a position to worry the Democrats. Ross Magri would direct the poster Rossanda monthly declarant would have abstained on our radiation from the PCI, Leiden would never tired of dealing with the vicissitudes of daily manifest atypical putting his skills as a notary in the service of the newspaper. Myself, I have been for eleven years secretary of the Communist Federation of Bergamo, I was a member of the patrol deputies who in 1969 joined the manifesto and were struck by the PCI (with me, there were Massimo Caprara, Luigi Pintor, and Aldo Natoli Freed bronze). XI Congress of the Communist Party to exist in Bergamo - the first in the history of that party in which an association has voted by a majority as opposed to a document the national leadership - is the culmination of a long and tortured debate, but also its political processes that were deployed in Milan in the original node. Bergamo, in the early sixties, was a city where the communists remained nailed to 7-10%. In the lists for municipal candidates were almost all workers, with the exception of one doctor and one or two employees. The Democrats could enjoy the absolute majority of the vote, while up to us to represent the working class factory (Dalmine and Ilva in the first place). The 100 000 workers were present in Bergamo two key areas: textiles and clothing and mechanical metallurgy. The Communist Party after the war it was most concerned to entrench the party in the factory. The "New Party" in Togliatti was not closed and self-sufficient in alliances, but also in Bergamo sway rule that only the workers' struggles (trade union and political) could move to the left and create other social contradictions in which he was a Catholic reference giant Democrat. We should add, however, that very often the action of the party was in danger of falling into a sort of weak "manufacture" means the Communist Party became outright support of the fight sindacale.Ma own in the early sixties, which are those of the economic boom and an initial modernization of Italy, a crack starts front of the Catholic tradition. The PCI, which is not enough to maintain its strength at the factory, trying to adopt a more widespread in society. And 'that's when we try to have an alternative plan of the city, starting with the fight on the town plan, and we develop a project linking the future of the city and the surrounding valleys. E 'right on the new dimension of design that must take political action that opens a comparison twisted communist identity and Catholic identity in a city as unique as Bergamo. I remember, for example, the birth of the Committee on Freedom of Vietnam consists of the secretaries all parties and with the accession of eleven priests, including Father Turoldo.Ma highlight the episode that marks deep in the process of renewal of the PCI in Bergamo is the speech devoted to the question Catholic Togliatti held in the city March 20 1963 at the conclusion of a planning conference of the party. The speech, titled after the destinies of man on the pages of the weekly Renaissance, is an event for Bergamo. I, who was still secretary of the Federation, I was able to obtain from Togliatti's commitment to deliver a speech in thickness although we were in a tough election campaign. In 1963 we were in full innovator of the pontificate of John XXIII (Pope Roncalli, it must be remembered, had its roots in popular Catholicism Bergamo) and had already opened the Second Vatican Council that innovate the teaching of the Church. Togliatti put his own speech in that scenario that has ravaged the Catholic conservatism. Politically, moreover, must bear in mind it was concluded that the centrism of the governments and Scelba Tambroni and in 1963 - the year that will mark a positive advancement of the Communist Party in parliamentary elections - the picture was marked by the first center-left government led by Amintore Fanfani.Togliatti speak words intended to weigh both nationally and in the concrete situation of Bergamo: identify new opportunities for the meeting between Catholics and Communists (Not just the Council, but the outcome of the XX Congress of the CPSU, that of "de-Stalinization" initiated by Nikita Khrushchev) next to the need for a common commitment to peace in the era of nuclear weapons. To save a civilization made of common culture and values \u200b\u200b- say Togliatti - we need joint action by the Communists and Catholics. The leader of the Communist Party takes the key to the fact that the development neocapitalistic eventually degrade human potential, which still remains the central subject is the initiative of the Communists and the Catholics. After the death of Togliatti, the PCI opens a confrontation / clash between two views: that of Giorgio Amendola, which proposes a "party only "between the communists and socialists as they moved the experience of the center-left governments and there was the division of PSIUP; to Pietro Ingrao, which gives priority to the project and the value of innovative reforms in the context of emphasizing the transformation of Italian capitalism necessary renewal of the party. Already a Central Committee that he had discussed the proposed Amendola came the vote of dissent of some comrades (Luigi Pintor, Aniello Coppola, Ninette Zandegiacomo, Aldo Natoli, my, as I remember that Rossanda Ross was absent from the meeting for other commitments) . That division is reflected on the life of the Federation of Bergamo. When the thesis was submitted to the Eleventh Congress, touched me illustrate. From a certain point precisai that I speak personally because I had to explain my "no" in the Central Committee and above all my reservations about Tesi.Quando the Provincial Congress took place in Bergamo at the beginning of January 1966, it fell again I - Secretary of the Federation - to make the introductory speech which reiterated some distinctions of line and echoed many of the positions expressed in various forums by Pietro Ingrao. That conference was followed on behalf of the national executive board by Rinaldo, Assistant Secretary of the CGIL. It was he who groped a few steps to smooth the final motion of Congress who expressed strong reservations about the thesis paper. During the meeting of the Political Committee that worked on the drafting of the final resolution, we announced that he would speak in Congress against our positions on behalf of the National Office (in the climate of those years, the announcement amounted to a threat because he was very strong sense of discipline to Dark Shops). Card kept his word, after he revealed his vain attempts to change the mozione.Ho reread the January 1966 Employee of Bergamo, who was the magazine of the Federation of Bergamo PCI. The motion of the Provincial Congress that was passed with only two abstentions. In it was confirmed a strong criticism of the policy of the center, beside the need to relaunch the initiative working over a period of reforms in a position to design new social and economic scenarios. In a passage from that document reads: "A new majority is not achieved as a confluence of forces disappointed by the center around a minimum program. It can only be the result of a profound process of development and political action, economic and social. " Ponevamo Finally, the theme of "internal democracy" to the party: the participation of members to the choices, their full involvement even when - as in the case of the Central Committee that I mentioned earlier - there is dissension in the national leadership. These are issues which will return in the discussion of the communist left at the turn of 1968 student and 1969 workers, in XII National Congress of Bologna in February 1969 in which the left will be marginalized by the internal management of the party in the confrontation that gave birth to the first month, the manifest and then, when the radiation came from the PCI promoter of his group, homonymous group experience politico.Voglio finally be noted that once the outcome of the XI Congress in Bergamo was excluded from the Central Committee at that time meant going to disagree to a meeting fierce reaction from the apparatus. There was the protest of my Federation and the confrontation turned hot, when you had to decide the nominations to the House in the elections of 1968, the Federal Committee held my full name, while there were pressures from Rome and Milan were penalized for our political positions. I remember these episodes testify about me just because the majority orientation largely on which he moved the entire Federazione.Fu just natural that the Federation of Bergamo, who had that role in the debates of previous years, was at the forefront in November of 1969 against the choices of the Central Committee decided to expel the promoters of the monthly poster. In the sixties we had acquired in a border city to the Communists the need for a profound renewal of political, cultural and organizational PCI. A renewal that were more sensitive because it exposed traditional hegemony of the Christian Democrats which could see the first crisis. On November 3, 1969 agenda was approved by me at the joint meeting of the Federal Committee and the Audit Commission of Bergamo which discussed the "case" the poster: by 24 votes in favor, 13 against and 6 abstentions was rejected the choice of defining "activity frazionistica" the birth of the month. But here begins another story. (From the manifesto19 June 1999)
Bergamo, when he was born, "Il Manifesto"
Eliseo Milani
A city of the strengths of the Manifesto Group was Bergamo. Here the communist left has relied on membership and consensus since 1965, a preparatory year of the XI Congress of the Communist Party, which would then be held in Rome in January 1966. Why Bergamo, a city traditionally white and the strong hold of the DC election? Before talking about the specific events of the communist left, just remember that in the early fifties a group of young intellectuals left the Democrats calling for an opening on the left Catholic world: Lucio Magri, Joseph and Charles Leidi declarant were the tread. All three went in different stages in PCI although someone in Rome - Giancarlo Pajetta for example - would have preferred to constitute an organization of the Catholic left in a position to worry the Democrats. Ross Magri would direct the poster Rossanda monthly declarant would have abstained on our radiation from the PCI, Leiden would never tired of dealing with the vicissitudes of daily manifest atypical putting his skills as a notary in the service of the newspaper. Myself, I have been for eleven years secretary of the Communist Federation of Bergamo, I was a member of the patrol deputies who in 1969 joined the manifesto and were struck by the PCI (with me, there were Massimo Caprara, Luigi Pintor, and Aldo Natoli Freed bronze). XI Congress of the Communist Party to exist in Bergamo - the first in the history of that party in which an association has voted by a majority as opposed to a document the national leadership - is the culmination of a long and tortured debate, but also its political processes that were deployed in Milan in the original node. Bergamo, in the early sixties, was a city where the communists remained nailed to 7-10%. In the lists for municipal candidates were almost all workers, with the exception of one doctor and one or two employees. The Democrats could enjoy the absolute majority of the vote, while up to us to represent the working class factory (Dalmine and Ilva in the first place). The 100 000 workers were present in Bergamo two key areas: textiles and clothing and mechanical metallurgy. The Communist Party after the war it was most concerned to entrench the party in the factory. The "New Party" in Togliatti was not closed and self-sufficient in alliances, but also in Bergamo sway rule that only the workers' struggles (trade union and political) could move to the left and create other social contradictions in which he was a Catholic reference giant Democrat. We should add, however, that very often the action of the party was in danger of falling into a sort of weak "manufacture" means the Communist Party became outright support of the fight sindacale.Ma own in the early sixties, which are those of the economic boom and an initial modernization of Italy, a crack starts front of the Catholic tradition. The PCI, which is not enough to maintain its strength at the factory, trying to adopt a more widespread in society. And 'that's when we try to have an alternative plan of the city, starting with the fight on the town plan, and we develop a project linking the future of the city and the surrounding valleys. E 'right on the new dimension of design that must take political action that opens a comparison twisted communist identity and Catholic identity in a city as unique as Bergamo. I remember, for example, the birth of the Committee on Freedom of Vietnam consists of the secretaries all parties and with the accession of eleven priests, including Father Turoldo.Ma highlight the episode that marks deep in the process of renewal of the PCI in Bergamo is the speech devoted to the question Catholic Togliatti held in the city March 20 1963 at the conclusion of a planning conference of the party. The speech, titled after the destinies of man on the pages of the weekly Renaissance, is an event for Bergamo. I, who was still secretary of the Federation, I was able to obtain from Togliatti's commitment to deliver a speech in thickness although we were in a tough election campaign. In 1963 we were in full innovator of the pontificate of John XXIII (Pope Roncalli, it must be remembered, had its roots in popular Catholicism Bergamo) and had already opened the Second Vatican Council that innovate the teaching of the Church. Togliatti put his own speech in that scenario that has ravaged the Catholic conservatism. Politically, moreover, must bear in mind it was concluded that the centrism of the governments and Scelba Tambroni and in 1963 - the year that will mark a positive advancement of the Communist Party in parliamentary elections - the picture was marked by the first center-left government led by Amintore Fanfani.Togliatti speak words intended to weigh both nationally and in the concrete situation of Bergamo: identify new opportunities for the meeting between Catholics and Communists (Not just the Council, but the outcome of the XX Congress of the CPSU, that of "de-Stalinization" initiated by Nikita Khrushchev) next to the need for a common commitment to peace in the era of nuclear weapons. To save a civilization made of common culture and values \u200b\u200b- say Togliatti - we need joint action by the Communists and Catholics. The leader of the Communist Party takes the key to the fact that the development neocapitalistic eventually degrade human potential, which still remains the central subject is the initiative of the Communists and the Catholics. After the death of Togliatti, the PCI opens a confrontation / clash between two views: that of Giorgio Amendola, which proposes a "party only "between the communists and socialists as they moved the experience of the center-left governments and there was the division of PSIUP; to Pietro Ingrao, which gives priority to the project and the value of innovative reforms in the context of emphasizing the transformation of Italian capitalism necessary renewal of the party. Already a Central Committee that he had discussed the proposed Amendola came the vote of dissent of some comrades (Luigi Pintor, Aniello Coppola, Ninette Zandegiacomo, Aldo Natoli, my, as I remember that Rossanda Ross was absent from the meeting for other commitments) . That division is reflected on the life of the Federation of Bergamo. When the thesis was submitted to the Eleventh Congress, touched me illustrate. From a certain point precisai that I speak personally because I had to explain my "no" in the Central Committee and above all my reservations about Tesi.Quando the Provincial Congress took place in Bergamo at the beginning of January 1966, it fell again I - Secretary of the Federation - to make the introductory speech which reiterated some distinctions of line and echoed many of the positions expressed in various forums by Pietro Ingrao. That conference was followed on behalf of the national executive board by Rinaldo, Assistant Secretary of the CGIL. It was he who groped a few steps to smooth the final motion of Congress who expressed strong reservations about the thesis paper. During the meeting of the Political Committee that worked on the drafting of the final resolution, we announced that he would speak in Congress against our positions on behalf of the National Office (in the climate of those years, the announcement amounted to a threat because he was very strong sense of discipline to Dark Shops). Card kept his word, after he revealed his vain attempts to change the mozione.Ho reread the January 1966 Employee of Bergamo, who was the magazine of the Federation of Bergamo PCI. The motion of the Provincial Congress that was passed with only two abstentions. In it was confirmed a strong criticism of the policy of the center, beside the need to relaunch the initiative working over a period of reforms in a position to design new social and economic scenarios. In a passage from that document reads: "A new majority is not achieved as a confluence of forces disappointed by the center around a minimum program. It can only be the result of a profound process of development and political action, economic and social. " Ponevamo Finally, the theme of "internal democracy" to the party: the participation of members to the choices, their full involvement even when - as in the case of the Central Committee that I mentioned earlier - there is dissension in the national leadership. These are issues which will return in the discussion of the communist left at the turn of 1968 student and 1969 workers, in XII National Congress of Bologna in February 1969 in which the left will be marginalized by the internal management of the party in the confrontation that gave birth to the first month, the manifest and then, when the radiation came from the PCI promoter of his group, homonymous group experience politico.Voglio finally be noted that once the outcome of the XI Congress in Bergamo was excluded from the Central Committee at that time meant going to disagree to a meeting fierce reaction from the apparatus. There was the protest of my Federation and the confrontation turned hot, when you had to decide the nominations to the House in the elections of 1968, the Federal Committee held my full name, while there were pressures from Rome and Milan were penalized for our political positions. I remember these episodes testify about me just because the majority orientation largely on which he moved the entire Federazione.Fu just natural that the Federation of Bergamo, who had that role in the debates of previous years, was at the forefront in November of 1969 against the choices of the Central Committee decided to expel the promoters of the monthly poster. In the sixties we had acquired in a border city to the Communists the need for a profound renewal of political, cultural and organizational PCI. A renewal that were more sensitive because it exposed traditional hegemony of the Christian Democrats which could see the first crisis. On November 3, 1969 agenda was approved by me at the joint meeting of the Federal Committee and the Audit Commission of Bergamo which discussed the "case" the poster: by 24 votes in favor, 13 against and 6 abstentions was rejected the choice of defining "activity frazionistica" the birth of the month. But here begins another story. (From the manifesto19 June 1999)
Tuesday, January 4, 2005
Where To Buy Charriol Bracelet, Ring Philippines
. MEMORY. Lidia Menapace RECALLS ELISEO MILANI
He was very charming courageous determination, courage
has demonstrated over the last years of his life when he knew and he said he
live bet, but did not give evil, with a capacity 'to withstand very high
and even laugh about it.
Among those who gave birth to the "manifesto" as a company policy and how
newspaper, with others in the federation of the Communist Party of Bergamo and with fellow
Naples Elisha was part of one of the few private workers and the organization that broke away
or were expelled from the Communist Party. A sign of great courage
existential and political, since - more 'than others - had the capacity' to make judgments
detached! "AICI" on the big-church party which had been part
.
If the rest of the group not historical forces' outputs from the PCI, which could be
numerous and significant, it had not some of the pressure
companions like Elisha, and other home workers, however, that they threw themselves with great conviction in
Sixty-eight motion, especially about
new analysis of class composition, new figures
workers, the organization advised Factory , and 150 hours of
of social organization in some way from the factory, in which
Sixty-eight was still possible, if the motion had not been arrested
, when the organization of the territory was passing over
works councils, to start local councils.
not want to still use Elisha to make a critical reconstruction of
mistakes or weaknesses of the "manifesto". I think I'll squeeze
smiling eyes and tell me: "But why 'does not speak like you eat and you do not say things directly
you know, eh Lidia." * I
to him a sincere and deep affection, I admired him. Even his
refinement of dress, achieved wealth and precision of speech and
short, the characteristic of intellectual workers were
living demonstration of the great work of political literacy (but far more ':
was a university culture!) That the PCI had succeeded in spreading the
working class (and women) with the Party schools, with work scheduled
frequent precise construction of subjectivity '.
Ellseo was one of the fruits' of that work meaningful and also more '
straightforward, since it does not I get' kind of attitude never a "religious"
to the party.
That's why it must be acknowledged 'was not common even among other
"large" in the first group of the "manifesto". *
I conclude by recalling that summer - I think in '73 or '74 -
was our guest for a bit 'of days in Cles Val di Non,
where we used to spend holidays at the birthplace of my husband.
walked across a valley farm then, entirely agricultural, except for "The
frabicia", the factory so 'only to be said that by definition, and
was a cement factory that there 'yet. Then the whole valley was a
orchard of various quality 'and not a boring monoculture like today. The
seasons were marked by the apple blossom, and when he was very strong
was said about an area called "Franz" (France): "and 'nevega' en
Franza", it was so soft and compact the snow flower whites.
Elisha listened to the chatter of our valley and watched with curiosity '
the dense network of agriculture and rural presence that existed in the Bergamo
no more', as the provinces of Bergamo and Brescia were
ancient and widespread industrialization, and discussing the 'cause areas so 'deep root
Catholic differentiate both in policy and voting. It was the
production structure that allowed the Bergamo
significant communist presence and a lively debate among Catholics and in the valley
not just Democrats.
* At one point we were a bit 'out of sight and we met occasionally
stations (one of the places I frequent more') and even Elisha
where you could find when he moved from Rome (where he was to
end transfer) and Bologna where he had his daughter.
I think he wanted me well in that way shy and a bit 'rustic
from Bergamo. But then I also are mountain.
He was very charming courageous determination, courage
has demonstrated over the last years of his life when he knew and he said he
live bet, but did not give evil, with a capacity 'to withstand very high
and even laugh about it.
Among those who gave birth to the "manifesto" as a company policy and how
newspaper, with others in the federation of the Communist Party of Bergamo and with fellow
Naples Elisha was part of one of the few private workers and the organization that broke away
or were expelled from the Communist Party. A sign of great courage
existential and political, since - more 'than others - had the capacity' to make judgments
detached! "AICI" on the big-church party which had been part
.
If the rest of the group not historical forces' outputs from the PCI, which could be
numerous and significant, it had not some of the pressure
companions like Elisha, and other home workers, however, that they threw themselves with great conviction in
Sixty-eight motion, especially about
new analysis of class composition, new figures
workers, the organization advised Factory , and 150 hours of
of social organization in some way from the factory, in which
Sixty-eight was still possible, if the motion had not been arrested
, when the organization of the territory was passing over
works councils, to start local councils.
not want to still use Elisha to make a critical reconstruction of
mistakes or weaknesses of the "manifesto". I think I'll squeeze
smiling eyes and tell me: "But why 'does not speak like you eat and you do not say things directly
you know, eh Lidia." * I
to him a sincere and deep affection, I admired him. Even his
refinement of dress, achieved wealth and precision of speech and
short, the characteristic of intellectual workers were
living demonstration of the great work of political literacy (but far more ':
was a university culture!) That the PCI had succeeded in spreading the
working class (and women) with the Party schools, with work scheduled
frequent precise construction of subjectivity '.
Ellseo was one of the fruits' of that work meaningful and also more '
straightforward, since it does not I get' kind of attitude never a "religious"
to the party.
That's why it must be acknowledged 'was not common even among other
"large" in the first group of the "manifesto". *
I conclude by recalling that summer - I think in '73 or '74 -
was our guest for a bit 'of days in Cles Val di Non,
where we used to spend holidays at the birthplace of my husband.
walked across a valley farm then, entirely agricultural, except for "The
frabicia", the factory so 'only to be said that by definition, and
was a cement factory that there 'yet. Then the whole valley was a
orchard of various quality 'and not a boring monoculture like today. The
seasons were marked by the apple blossom, and when he was very strong
was said about an area called "Franz" (France): "and 'nevega' en
Franza", it was so soft and compact the snow flower whites.
Elisha listened to the chatter of our valley and watched with curiosity '
the dense network of agriculture and rural presence that existed in the Bergamo
no more', as the provinces of Bergamo and Brescia were
ancient and widespread industrialization, and discussing the 'cause areas so 'deep root
Catholic differentiate both in policy and voting. It was the
production structure that allowed the Bergamo
significant communist presence and a lively debate among Catholics and in the valley
not just Democrats.
* At one point we were a bit 'out of sight and we met occasionally
stations (one of the places I frequent more') and even Elisha
where you could find when he moved from Rome (where he was to
end transfer) and Bologna where he had his daughter.
I think he wanted me well in that way shy and a bit 'rustic
from Bergamo. But then I also are mountain.
Cruising Places In Mumbai
Eliseo Milani: more than a garden
Articolo21
Eliseo Milani: more than a garden
Michele Half
Eliseo Milani, who died the night of Dec. 27, the hospital in Rome, is a figure, not a few to tell the truth, but even want to credit as many as rhetoric, that ennobles the second row of storia.Lui was a man who, in this with a few others, he chose with full consciousness of being a step backwards to make sure that we could all make many forward . Who writes had the good fortune to know him in the fall of 1970, forming a makeshift headquarters of the then movement of the Manifesto in Milan.
Elisha was already
parliamentary leader of the federation as well as PCI Bergamo. The only federation which approved by a majority of the arguments for communism to various manifesto.Rispetto humanity that gathered around a group of exiled students and some PCI-based framework of union-was a charismatic figure. I met him and had a stack of posters to be exhibited in Milan to announce the birth of the newspaper The manifesto.E that job-count, file, organize, distribute, increase-Elisha would have continued to do, simply because, as he explained that "it 'necessary, essential, and it' better to do it otherwise I touched it again." recalling the figure at the funeral Lucio Magri, the companion of a lifetime of political challenges to orthodoxy, like Elisha said, under the rough bark of party official, had also become an end intellettuale.Giusto.Ma limitativo.In perhaps the ideological storm that it was the '70s. storm that can not ', however, even metaphorically, be compared to the deadly tsunami of these days,' cause along with indisputable errors and crimes, has also produced extraordinary and most vital tremors liberators. In this maelstrom, I said, he met many intellectuals and even too many.
shiny analysts and storyteller who failed were formidabili.Quelli The so-called "ass of stone" or, better yet, the real leaders of men and donne.Gente reliable, common sense and nose up, to confide in those decisions which, when pressed the crowd, take a few minutes, sometimes seconds, but you can score for a whole vita.Eliseo was one of the most questi.Forse 'ready and able to measure the climate of the moment. Risks and potential'. Emptiness' and substance. There was little to do, he understood before. And he used this sensibility 'not as a competitive club, but as a resource tutti.Era extraordinary smile that chewed with its expression by Gene Hackman in a meeting in the aftermath of an event which heralded the outcome. "It takes a nose," he said mercilessly at some of the most charismatic intellectual companion who had exposed a bit troppo.E he said referring to his prominent profile greek.
flair for lontano.Da Elisha came from a village at the mouth of the Brembo, near Bergamo, where he was born into a family with nine other fratelli.Uno scenario that only half the lights can make Ermanno Olmi decipherable.
young at 11 years, goes to the factory in Dalmine. The universities 'work in those tempi.Dapprima the school to apprentice and then produzione.Siamo in the most' white closed in Italy. Where the breach of Porta Pia was still considered an abuse by building communities become riparare.Diventa operaio.Prima militant CGIL.In a factory strike of 5000 workers who sees only one worker at a protest by the union red. guess who proclaimed that Japan was in the forest? Then in the party, which soon became secretary of the cell, responsible for fab Briche Provincial Committee and secretary of the then federazione.Eliseo and already 'grown a lot in frattempo.E begins to put a theme that will become' history on the left: the relationship with the cattolici.Siamo not only in the province more 'Italian white, but also in the land of Pope John XXIII, Pacem in Terris is the location of where the social Christianity is launching a competitive challenge to the Communist workers' movement.
Elisha responds in his own way. Work on the uomini.Apre a gap in the Catholic left, and becomes a cushion for the strand that looks at the PCI, by the same declarant Magri.Ma not enough, Catholics must not only recognize them when they are with us still diceva.E work: CISL, ACLI, scout.finche 'on the eve of the elections of 1963, Togliatti to go to convince the communist leader had never Bergamo.Il stato.Ma not for a rally. Elisha wants to open a real window. Organize a conference on the theme: Communists and Catholics for a new world. Stuff that today would only snort of annoyance complement some of the liberals who run the chair of new thoughts for humanity '. Then we were at war fredda.La Cuba crisis was shake the same PCI pianeta.E felt the first symptoms of fever modernizzazione.Con a center-left yet ambitious and then an economic miracle that pushed the country towards the consumption of massa.Bisognava go further, look oltre.Oltre your garden for the Communist Party more 'healthy West. The event had a major impact.
Togliatti touch 'one of the top of its development' the most original and feconda.La peace was the ground where they can meet between communists and Catholics, will scomuniche.Ma abjurations without the secretary of the PCI had a glimpse of new scenarios, which are at stake prime values-peace, life, living, development, justice, and then the whole policy must change and everyone should give what he has assembled for solutions and not for points of departure. A major turning point that gave frutti.Eliseo was its architect. In the second row.
And again later, when the communist left gave battle in the first fila.Perche partito.Eliseo them was 'they had to risk it. He federation secretary, an official of the party, do not hesitate' to take sides with the opposition. But as always he did with his companions, ever have reason to soli.Nel during the burning XI conference, Bergamo, Italy was the only federation of which rejected the document of the national leadership. And then the dissent, the more 'if the mass was not considered a useful contributo.Da li 'start' then the adventure of Elisha manifesto.Con drag 'in the footsteps of those expelled the vast majority of fellow Bergamaschi.
thousand anecdotes of those formidable years 70. Where Eliseo appeared from time to time, chewing on a half-smile, saying, "It takes a nose, tell them that.'' Prior efforts to invent the newspaper. That only a miracle at that time could concepire.Un bergamasco.Eliseo miracle was in fact the helm. And above all, commitment to undertaking the most 'experts only companions of directors that made the dream a reality.' Then I remember the debate in the election for the submission 72.Tutti infoiati.Compreso writer. In the square are many, vinceremo.E him, quietly, to remind us that we must count the votes in the ballot box, not in events. And yet a thousand rounds of the waltz with their leaders gruppi.Prima Power Operaio.Ai Elisha, to intend ing of what he thought, it persisted in giving of yourself. And then
PSIUP, Workers Vanguard, Movement Studentesco.Ecc.ecc.Lui always to write a second fila.Pronto mano.Soprattutto to offer a compass to those who skidded. Not a few came out unharmed from burning breakers result of his action. But Elisha had
nose really. Not by chance in the 80s as opposed to many on the left, immediately understood the strategic importance 'of the common questions. "And that the new factory," she wrote in Parliamentary 1984.Da you commitment 'in the commission of control over RAI. Expressing ever-it would be interesting to reread the speeches, and Article 21 could acquire them in his archives available to them then-za l'esigen to safeguard the independence and sovereignty 'of public service, with the ambition to have a more rai' later, more 'modern, more' competitive system for the country.
As usual, I see that I made myself get carried away, and I swept the politico.Eliseo Milani was something quite different.
tenerezza.Quella was a man hungry for affection that she did not remember having had in the dormitories with ten brande.Lo showed with his love relationships. Never trivial. Always loads a courtship ritual in which he could not give up. Even when he was clearly superfluo.Oppure in dealing with children who had not been able to mature with his only daughter, which was separate from the storms of life of Elisha militante.Conservo still a movie that rocks my newborn daughter in the sea. No recognition of the Brembo sharp Texan who intimidated the owners of the Manifesto.Con him I have lost something more than 'a amico.Ma this pain I do not arrogate to themselves exclusively. Aldo with me, Sandro, Guido, Mauritius, and all those young fellows who 30 years ago now find themselves more and graying 'alone. With the unique, secure, privilege, for 30 years have had a look in the second row followed them. Thanks Elisha.
Articolo21
Eliseo Milani: more than a garden
Michele Half
Eliseo Milani, who died the night of Dec. 27, the hospital in Rome, is a figure, not a few to tell the truth, but even want to credit as many as rhetoric, that ennobles the second row of storia.Lui was a man who, in this with a few others, he chose with full consciousness of being a step backwards to make sure that we could all make many forward . Who writes had the good fortune to know him in the fall of 1970, forming a makeshift headquarters of the then movement of the Manifesto in Milan.
Elisha was already
parliamentary leader of the federation as well as PCI Bergamo. The only federation which approved by a majority of the arguments for communism to various manifesto.Rispetto humanity that gathered around a group of exiled students and some PCI-based framework of union-was a charismatic figure. I met him and had a stack of posters to be exhibited in Milan to announce the birth of the newspaper The manifesto.E that job-count, file, organize, distribute, increase-Elisha would have continued to do, simply because, as he explained that "it 'necessary, essential, and it' better to do it otherwise I touched it again." recalling the figure at the funeral Lucio Magri, the companion of a lifetime of political challenges to orthodoxy, like Elisha said, under the rough bark of party official, had also become an end intellettuale.Giusto.Ma limitativo.In perhaps the ideological storm that it was the '70s. storm that can not ', however, even metaphorically, be compared to the deadly tsunami of these days,' cause along with indisputable errors and crimes, has also produced extraordinary and most vital tremors liberators. In this maelstrom, I said, he met many intellectuals and even too many.
shiny analysts and storyteller who failed were formidabili.Quelli The so-called "ass of stone" or, better yet, the real leaders of men and donne.Gente reliable, common sense and nose up, to confide in those decisions which, when pressed the crowd, take a few minutes, sometimes seconds, but you can score for a whole vita.Eliseo was one of the most questi.Forse 'ready and able to measure the climate of the moment. Risks and potential'. Emptiness' and substance. There was little to do, he understood before. And he used this sensibility 'not as a competitive club, but as a resource tutti.Era extraordinary smile that chewed with its expression by Gene Hackman in a meeting in the aftermath of an event which heralded the outcome. "It takes a nose," he said mercilessly at some of the most charismatic intellectual companion who had exposed a bit troppo.E he said referring to his prominent profile greek.
flair for lontano.Da Elisha came from a village at the mouth of the Brembo, near Bergamo, where he was born into a family with nine other fratelli.Uno scenario that only half the lights can make Ermanno Olmi decipherable.
young at 11 years, goes to the factory in Dalmine. The universities 'work in those tempi.Dapprima the school to apprentice and then produzione.Siamo in the most' white closed in Italy. Where the breach of Porta Pia was still considered an abuse by building communities become riparare.Diventa operaio.Prima militant CGIL.In a factory strike of 5000 workers who sees only one worker at a protest by the union red. guess who proclaimed that Japan was in the forest? Then in the party, which soon became secretary of the cell, responsible for fab Briche Provincial Committee and secretary of the then federazione.Eliseo and already 'grown a lot in frattempo.E begins to put a theme that will become' history on the left: the relationship with the cattolici.Siamo not only in the province more 'Italian white, but also in the land of Pope John XXIII, Pacem in Terris is the location of where the social Christianity is launching a competitive challenge to the Communist workers' movement.
Elisha responds in his own way. Work on the uomini.Apre a gap in the Catholic left, and becomes a cushion for the strand that looks at the PCI, by the same declarant Magri.Ma not enough, Catholics must not only recognize them when they are with us still diceva.E work: CISL, ACLI, scout.finche 'on the eve of the elections of 1963, Togliatti to go to convince the communist leader had never Bergamo.Il stato.Ma not for a rally. Elisha wants to open a real window. Organize a conference on the theme: Communists and Catholics for a new world. Stuff that today would only snort of annoyance complement some of the liberals who run the chair of new thoughts for humanity '. Then we were at war fredda.La Cuba crisis was shake the same PCI pianeta.E felt the first symptoms of fever modernizzazione.Con a center-left yet ambitious and then an economic miracle that pushed the country towards the consumption of massa.Bisognava go further, look oltre.Oltre your garden for the Communist Party more 'healthy West. The event had a major impact.
Togliatti touch 'one of the top of its development' the most original and feconda.La peace was the ground where they can meet between communists and Catholics, will scomuniche.Ma abjurations without the secretary of the PCI had a glimpse of new scenarios, which are at stake prime values-peace, life, living, development, justice, and then the whole policy must change and everyone should give what he has assembled for solutions and not for points of departure. A major turning point that gave frutti.Eliseo was its architect. In the second row.
And again later, when the communist left gave battle in the first fila.Perche partito.Eliseo them was 'they had to risk it. He federation secretary, an official of the party, do not hesitate' to take sides with the opposition. But as always he did with his companions, ever have reason to soli.Nel during the burning XI conference, Bergamo, Italy was the only federation of which rejected the document of the national leadership. And then the dissent, the more 'if the mass was not considered a useful contributo.Da li 'start' then the adventure of Elisha manifesto.Con drag 'in the footsteps of those expelled the vast majority of fellow Bergamaschi.
thousand anecdotes of those formidable years 70. Where Eliseo appeared from time to time, chewing on a half-smile, saying, "It takes a nose, tell them that.'' Prior efforts to invent the newspaper. That only a miracle at that time could concepire.Un bergamasco.Eliseo miracle was in fact the helm. And above all, commitment to undertaking the most 'experts only companions of directors that made the dream a reality.' Then I remember the debate in the election for the submission 72.Tutti infoiati.Compreso writer. In the square are many, vinceremo.E him, quietly, to remind us that we must count the votes in the ballot box, not in events. And yet a thousand rounds of the waltz with their leaders gruppi.Prima Power Operaio.Ai Elisha, to intend ing of what he thought, it persisted in giving of yourself. And then
PSIUP, Workers Vanguard, Movement Studentesco.Ecc.ecc.Lui always to write a second fila.Pronto mano.Soprattutto to offer a compass to those who skidded. Not a few came out unharmed from burning breakers result of his action. But Elisha had
nose really. Not by chance in the 80s as opposed to many on the left, immediately understood the strategic importance 'of the common questions. "And that the new factory," she wrote in Parliamentary 1984.Da you commitment 'in the commission of control over RAI. Expressing ever-it would be interesting to reread the speeches, and Article 21 could acquire them in his archives available to them then-za l'esigen to safeguard the independence and sovereignty 'of public service, with the ambition to have a more rai' later, more 'modern, more' competitive system for the country.
As usual, I see that I made myself get carried away, and I swept the politico.Eliseo Milani was something quite different.
tenerezza.Quella was a man hungry for affection that she did not remember having had in the dormitories with ten brande.Lo showed with his love relationships. Never trivial. Always loads a courtship ritual in which he could not give up. Even when he was clearly superfluo.Oppure in dealing with children who had not been able to mature with his only daughter, which was separate from the storms of life of Elisha militante.Conservo still a movie that rocks my newborn daughter in the sea. No recognition of the Brembo sharp Texan who intimidated the owners of the Manifesto.Con him I have lost something more than 'a amico.Ma this pain I do not arrogate to themselves exclusively. Aldo with me, Sandro, Guido, Mauritius, and all those young fellows who 30 years ago now find themselves more and graying 'alone. With the unique, secure, privilege, for 30 years have had a look in the second row followed them. Thanks Elisha.
Does Brithcontrol Shot Cause Bv
Eliseo Milani, the companion and friend
APRILEONLINE
Eliseo Milani, the companion and friend
Aldo Garzia
Eliseo Milani, one of the founders of the "manifesto", Deputies and Senators for more
legislatures, died in the night
December 27.
This time we did it. We were accustomed to his periodic admissions to which he reacted by living as a stopwatch and giving himself an uncompromising lifestyle. We joked about, speaking now of the Guinness Book of World Records. We did also
December 23, when
passed by the editorial staff of "April"
to exchange greetings rite.
Friendship with some of us had remained strong, despite his apartment discreetly behind the scenes of the political left, but for which followed each blink of the eye.
We must return to speak calmly of Elisha, as they deserve her political biography and his humanity. The emotion that must be blunted.
Meanwhile, the event is scheduled for Thursday, December 30th at the Polyclinic in Rome, from 11 onwards, for a final farewell. Elisha
Hello, old Bergamo peel hard. The year 2004 could not end in the worst way.
APRILEONLINE
Eliseo Milani, the companion and friend
Aldo Garzia
Eliseo Milani, one of the founders of the "manifesto", Deputies and Senators for more
legislatures, died in the night
December 27.
This time we did it. We were accustomed to his periodic admissions to which he reacted by living as a stopwatch and giving himself an uncompromising lifestyle. We joked about, speaking now of the Guinness Book of World Records. We did also
December 23, when
passed by the editorial staff of "April"
to exchange greetings rite.
Friendship with some of us had remained strong, despite his apartment discreetly behind the scenes of the political left, but for which followed each blink of the eye.
We must return to speak calmly of Elisha, as they deserve her political biography and his humanity. The emotion that must be blunted.
Meanwhile, the event is scheduled for Thursday, December 30th at the Polyclinic in Rome, from 11 onwards, for a final farewell. Elisha
Hello, old Bergamo peel hard. The year 2004 could not end in the worst way.
Ftv Midnight Hot Streaming
ROME: DEATH ELISEO MILANI - VELTRONI, LEFT LOSES POINT OF REFERENCE
ROME: DEATH ELISEO MILANI - VELTRONI, LEFT LOSES POINT OF REFERENCE
Rome, December 28 - (Adnkronos) -''By Eliseo Milani and if they 'went and took a passionate man, a politician who has devoted much of his life to activism and confrontation over the fate of the Italian left.'' This was stated by the mayor of Rome, Walter Veltroni hearing the news of the death of Eliseo Milani. Since the foundation of the Manifesto''and then Pdup of the long parliamentary experience, done as a Senator of the Independent Left, participation in the Commission Moro to his involvement with the Center for State Reform, Eliseo Milani - concluded Veltroni - and 'was in the years a point of reference for an important part of the left''.
(GMA / Rs / Adnkronos)
ROME: DEATH ELISEO MILANI - VELTRONI, LEFT LOSES POINT OF REFERENCE
Rome, December 28 - (Adnkronos) -''By Eliseo Milani and if they 'went and took a passionate man, a politician who has devoted much of his life to activism and confrontation over the fate of the Italian left.'' This was stated by the mayor of Rome, Walter Veltroni hearing the news of the death of Eliseo Milani. Since the foundation of the Manifesto''and then Pdup of the long parliamentary experience, done as a Senator of the Independent Left, participation in the Commission Moro to his involvement with the Center for State Reform, Eliseo Milani - concluded Veltroni - and 'was in the years a point of reference for an important part of the left''.
(GMA / Rs / Adnkronos)
Pimped Mobility Scooter
The death of Eliseo Milani
The disappearance of Eliseo Milani
leaves us with a deep sadness. We remember him as a person who was dear, leader of the Communist Party in the 60s,
The death of Eliseo Milani
leaves us with a deep sadness. We remember him as a person who was dear, manager of the PCI in the 60's, was the original as an original contribution of the companions and friends which is linked in a partnership that lasted throughout his life: from the Manifesto until Pdup 'effort against the dissolution of the Communist Party and the reasons for a Communist left to live by in order to rethink the future.
The sufferings of the disease in recent years and the physical distance is not have weakened the deep feelings of esteem, respect and affection for the figure of a militant sincere, sometimes even harsh, for which the policy has been the enduring passion of a lifetime.
offer him our gratitude and greetings from around the Communist Party of the PRC.
Fausto Bertinotti
's companions and comrades of the Secretariat and the national leadership
express their condolences for the death of Eliseo Milani
leading exponent of the Italian communist left
He left a passionate man, cultured, a politician who has devoted much of his life to activism and confrontation on fortunes of the Italian left. Since the foundation of the Manifesto and then Pdup of the long parliamentary experience, done as a Senator of the Independent Left, participation in the Commission Moro to his involvement with the Center for State Reform
Eliseo Milani
years was a landmark for important part of the left
Walter Veltroni
From you I learned a lot of political passion and all that will remain with me. One last warm greeting. Hello
Eliseo Roberto Musacchio
The disappearance of Eliseo Milani
leaves us with a deep sadness. We remember him as a person who was dear, leader of the Communist Party in the 60s,
The death of Eliseo Milani
leaves us with a deep sadness. We remember him as a person who was dear, manager of the PCI in the 60's, was the original as an original contribution of the companions and friends which is linked in a partnership that lasted throughout his life: from the Manifesto until Pdup 'effort against the dissolution of the Communist Party and the reasons for a Communist left to live by in order to rethink the future.
The sufferings of the disease in recent years and the physical distance is not have weakened the deep feelings of esteem, respect and affection for the figure of a militant sincere, sometimes even harsh, for which the policy has been the enduring passion of a lifetime.
offer him our gratitude and greetings from around the Communist Party of the PRC.
Fausto Bertinotti
's companions and comrades of the Secretariat and the national leadership
express their condolences for the death of Eliseo Milani
leading exponent of the Italian communist left
He left a passionate man, cultured, a politician who has devoted much of his life to activism and confrontation on fortunes of the Italian left. Since the foundation of the Manifesto and then Pdup of the long parliamentary experience, done as a Senator of the Independent Left, participation in the Commission Moro to his involvement with the Center for State Reform
Eliseo Milani
years was a landmark for important part of the left
Walter Veltroni
From you I learned a lot of political passion and all that will remain with me. One last warm greeting. Hello
Eliseo Roberto Musacchio
4th Stage Ovarian Cancer
Eliseo Milani, a common history
Eliseo Milani, a common history
For as it was, for the difficult choices he has made, to where it was found to perform them, for their concrete results, his life is a bit strange history of the Italian Communists. Since the Communist Party Manifesto, the way rich, tenacious and troubled one of the founders of this newspaper. Experience, his, which also now offers a lot to learn
Lucio Magri
Eliseo Milani has been for me, so different but no less profound Michelangelo Notarianni, the friend and companion of a lifetime. Touch it, write to me on the day of his death, the more painful and unexpected after many years of illness so severe they had convinced would never come. The disease had to pay too much loneliness. Generating, at least in my opinion, a heavy sense of guilt which would, however, a tinge of hypocrisy in any eulogy. I miss the rest of the pen and fine psychological acuity to sketch a personality as sensitive under his skin so rough. The rest are too difficult to express my feelings in the most intimate moments of emotion. Not a bad thing, perhaps: because in a eulogy would miss the most important thing. Namely that Eliseo Milani, as it was for the difficult choices made, to where it was found to perform them, for their concrete results, is an unknown piece of the history of Italian Communists. His real life accurately recounted the origin, would give future historians materials perhaps richer and more impartial than the reading of many verbal direction of the Communist Party deliberately elusive, and many discussions of central committees always expressed in figures and thus to decipher , and instead give an idea of \u200b\u200bwhat the Communist Party is really the state, and also what could possibly become. And much more image to subvert adulterated prevailing today, that of a bureaucratic party and creed, of a history of narrow elites, and for more than a history "of the winners who were recognized at the end defeated and repentant." But to tell that life would require much more than a few hours dominated by emotions, and much more than a few folders. I shall therefore, to justify this statement and point out some points for a job search.
A life in the "New Party"
Milani's life testifies first in its concreteness as the new party of Togliatti is not left short-season intuition immediately suffocated by the cold war and the neocominternista orthodoxy, and survived only as an opening to the intellectuals and the middle classes, as prudent management of political alliances. The core of that hypothesis was to transform the working class in real national leadership.
Elisha was too young to participate in the partisan war, his policy is the generation of the fifties.
He was a peasant family in a province, Bergamo, Catholic and conservative, where the communists were and were minority. He went to work early as 11 years in business courses and Dalmine's graduating high school, and working as a turner and was studying at night to become a technical expert. And 'working life of the concrete that came to communism. Always remember, with just pride, a national general strike that served only by notifying the company, because it seemed occasional absence.
were also witness these practices, however, that helped him to grow a political group of men began to count in the factory, breaking the isolation of the PCI and overcoming sectarianism. Just to Dalmine, a few years later, he realized that the first experience of a community built on the investigation working conference, which focused on the analysis of innovations in work organization, which Amendola, present, saw the value, so as to propose to generalize in the preparation of the national working conference in parallel with the great turn initiated by the CGIL, after the defeat at Fiat. Elisha had meanwhile been called to the role of party official, and soon, to the secretary of the federation of Bergamo.
Official: that dirty word today, but what was then an official, especially in the area? He was one who, refusing to work well under certain and agreed to live with a salary lower than that often never came with food and that it was the signing in scattered sections which met in small taverns, sleeping on a cot in a corner of the office: that he spent his few free hours at the cafe of the Trade Union, a kind of "social center ahead of its time."
Other
that bureaucratic caste. To become a councilor and MP then you do not think either, that seemed almost like a diminutio capitis, only a final approval of a life well spent. Pending a revolution coming? You must be joking: the `48 was already behind and we knew how long Bergamo was the street. In the meantime he worked as well as struggles to build a square. And he lived as a great opportunity for the school Frattocchie.
indoctrination? Here, too, is no joking matter: in those days teachers were Frattocchie Cafagna, Caracciolo, Spinella and so on.
Secretary of dialogue
What was then later the secretary Milani? A bureaucrat working man's or a priest? The exact opposite. Besides the continued care of the collective works, when, for the first time at the end of the flyers we were confronted entire enterprise from which the workers came out en masse to come to the square (the big jump in July `60) Elisha allowed long , regular meetings of the federal committee to study the history of Italy, tended carefully 's intervention in the municipal council, where a party to the index, and 9 percent of the vote, repeatedly managed to drag the Socialists, but also social democrats and liberals , on the major themes of the plan, construction of abuse perpetrated within the framework of new plots sponsored by the Bishop and Charles Bernareggi Pesenti. Finally, perhaps above all, Elisha began a courageous dialogue with Catholics, not only as potential allies, but as actors, desired and welcome. The leaders of the Catholic youth Bergamo, thanks to that dialogue, not only came, but they became an integral part of the summit of the communist federation. Milani was not a case to promote the assembly where Togliatti uttered the famous "speech of Bergamo. Gave a speech that the alliance with the Catholics of strategic importance.
of dissent, balance, energy
E 'from this combination of experiences, innovative combat and cultural maturation, which originated in the Communist Party - of course not only in Bergamo but a little 'everywhere for thousands of rivulets and with many different calls in the union and the party - the first embryo of a minority official but not irrelevant, that later - when he found a reference to national, cultural and political - was named of ingraismo. A non-dogmatic, non-sectarian left, who played, even outside the Communist Party, his game in the sixties and was later defeated and partially suppressed the XI Congress of 1965. But among intellectuals and trade unionists who left full-bodied sedimentation, and tried to revive the challenge facing the much more mature round of `68.
That work was recognized early by Milani and earned him entry into the Central Committee. But it was the only secretary of the federation Eleventh Congress that does not line up and was immediately ruled out. When two decisive occasions, the first card and then Lama, came to preside over the meeting of the Federation of Bergamo and asked his companions to choose between the position of the Central Committee and criticism from opposite Elisha, they were outvoted. Milani was a dissident, but had a wide support base and that was the only case of dissidents who held or removal of the Manifesto in `69. Milani joined our group, and with him the best paintings intellectuals and workers of the organization, taking on a leadership role.
the role he had, who gained weight in this new experience I do not have time to talk about space as we should. But I would like to say something that other students who also have all the elements to do so and would help to correct an understatement and silence is not innocent, who later created about him. I would like it because this silence is connected to a delicate point that our story. That is a partly unconscious belief, according to which we stand after the radiation with certain anticipatory ideas but much against the trend, with a specific identity on the border between the PCI and the new movements, but without a detailed basis, it was a pure mistake try to live that identity with a small organization, an independent development and a newspaper associated with it. I honestly believe that arose from that choice too many errors and analysis of behavior, but more than ever I am convinced that it was a risk we run and who has left positive fruits and unjustly allowed to disperse.
Elisha was a pillar of that effort and held her in better with the tenacity, the balance, the energy that was tied to his past. And he remained until the forces were left him physically. The same energy, the genetic trait, which then faced for more than a decade, one individual but even more heroic battle against the disease to win every day in more than a piece of life, perhaps no more to change the world but to continue to understand without being broken, no stranger to hear, but rather remain attentive and involved. I do not think that before his death, we can say nothing more grateful and complimentary of not only recognize that life has been spent well in its time but that now offers a lot to learn.
Eliseo Milani, a common history
For as it was, for the difficult choices he has made, to where it was found to perform them, for their concrete results, his life is a bit strange history of the Italian Communists. Since the Communist Party Manifesto, the way rich, tenacious and troubled one of the founders of this newspaper. Experience, his, which also now offers a lot to learn
Lucio Magri
Eliseo Milani has been for me, so different but no less profound Michelangelo Notarianni, the friend and companion of a lifetime. Touch it, write to me on the day of his death, the more painful and unexpected after many years of illness so severe they had convinced would never come. The disease had to pay too much loneliness. Generating, at least in my opinion, a heavy sense of guilt which would, however, a tinge of hypocrisy in any eulogy. I miss the rest of the pen and fine psychological acuity to sketch a personality as sensitive under his skin so rough. The rest are too difficult to express my feelings in the most intimate moments of emotion. Not a bad thing, perhaps: because in a eulogy would miss the most important thing. Namely that Eliseo Milani, as it was for the difficult choices made, to where it was found to perform them, for their concrete results, is an unknown piece of the history of Italian Communists. His real life accurately recounted the origin, would give future historians materials perhaps richer and more impartial than the reading of many verbal direction of the Communist Party deliberately elusive, and many discussions of central committees always expressed in figures and thus to decipher , and instead give an idea of \u200b\u200bwhat the Communist Party is really the state, and also what could possibly become. And much more image to subvert adulterated prevailing today, that of a bureaucratic party and creed, of a history of narrow elites, and for more than a history "of the winners who were recognized at the end defeated and repentant." But to tell that life would require much more than a few hours dominated by emotions, and much more than a few folders. I shall therefore, to justify this statement and point out some points for a job search.
A life in the "New Party"
Milani's life testifies first in its concreteness as the new party of Togliatti is not left short-season intuition immediately suffocated by the cold war and the neocominternista orthodoxy, and survived only as an opening to the intellectuals and the middle classes, as prudent management of political alliances. The core of that hypothesis was to transform the working class in real national leadership.
Elisha was too young to participate in the partisan war, his policy is the generation of the fifties.
He was a peasant family in a province, Bergamo, Catholic and conservative, where the communists were and were minority. He went to work early as 11 years in business courses and Dalmine's graduating high school, and working as a turner and was studying at night to become a technical expert. And 'working life of the concrete that came to communism. Always remember, with just pride, a national general strike that served only by notifying the company, because it seemed occasional absence.
were also witness these practices, however, that helped him to grow a political group of men began to count in the factory, breaking the isolation of the PCI and overcoming sectarianism. Just to Dalmine, a few years later, he realized that the first experience of a community built on the investigation working conference, which focused on the analysis of innovations in work organization, which Amendola, present, saw the value, so as to propose to generalize in the preparation of the national working conference in parallel with the great turn initiated by the CGIL, after the defeat at Fiat. Elisha had meanwhile been called to the role of party official, and soon, to the secretary of the federation of Bergamo.
Official: that dirty word today, but what was then an official, especially in the area? He was one who, refusing to work well under certain and agreed to live with a salary lower than that often never came with food and that it was the signing in scattered sections which met in small taverns, sleeping on a cot in a corner of the office: that he spent his few free hours at the cafe of the Trade Union, a kind of "social center ahead of its time."
Other
that bureaucratic caste. To become a councilor and MP then you do not think either, that seemed almost like a diminutio capitis, only a final approval of a life well spent. Pending a revolution coming? You must be joking: the `48 was already behind and we knew how long Bergamo was the street. In the meantime he worked as well as struggles to build a square. And he lived as a great opportunity for the school Frattocchie.
indoctrination? Here, too, is no joking matter: in those days teachers were Frattocchie Cafagna, Caracciolo, Spinella and so on.
Secretary of dialogue
What was then later the secretary Milani? A bureaucrat working man's or a priest? The exact opposite. Besides the continued care of the collective works, when, for the first time at the end of the flyers we were confronted entire enterprise from which the workers came out en masse to come to the square (the big jump in July `60) Elisha allowed long , regular meetings of the federal committee to study the history of Italy, tended carefully 's intervention in the municipal council, where a party to the index, and 9 percent of the vote, repeatedly managed to drag the Socialists, but also social democrats and liberals , on the major themes of the plan, construction of abuse perpetrated within the framework of new plots sponsored by the Bishop and Charles Bernareggi Pesenti. Finally, perhaps above all, Elisha began a courageous dialogue with Catholics, not only as potential allies, but as actors, desired and welcome. The leaders of the Catholic youth Bergamo, thanks to that dialogue, not only came, but they became an integral part of the summit of the communist federation. Milani was not a case to promote the assembly where Togliatti uttered the famous "speech of Bergamo. Gave a speech that the alliance with the Catholics of strategic importance.
of dissent, balance, energy
E 'from this combination of experiences, innovative combat and cultural maturation, which originated in the Communist Party - of course not only in Bergamo but a little 'everywhere for thousands of rivulets and with many different calls in the union and the party - the first embryo of a minority official but not irrelevant, that later - when he found a reference to national, cultural and political - was named of ingraismo. A non-dogmatic, non-sectarian left, who played, even outside the Communist Party, his game in the sixties and was later defeated and partially suppressed the XI Congress of 1965. But among intellectuals and trade unionists who left full-bodied sedimentation, and tried to revive the challenge facing the much more mature round of `68.
That work was recognized early by Milani and earned him entry into the Central Committee. But it was the only secretary of the federation Eleventh Congress that does not line up and was immediately ruled out. When two decisive occasions, the first card and then Lama, came to preside over the meeting of the Federation of Bergamo and asked his companions to choose between the position of the Central Committee and criticism from opposite Elisha, they were outvoted. Milani was a dissident, but had a wide support base and that was the only case of dissidents who held or removal of the Manifesto in `69. Milani joined our group, and with him the best paintings intellectuals and workers of the organization, taking on a leadership role.
the role he had, who gained weight in this new experience I do not have time to talk about space as we should. But I would like to say something that other students who also have all the elements to do so and would help to correct an understatement and silence is not innocent, who later created about him. I would like it because this silence is connected to a delicate point that our story. That is a partly unconscious belief, according to which we stand after the radiation with certain anticipatory ideas but much against the trend, with a specific identity on the border between the PCI and the new movements, but without a detailed basis, it was a pure mistake try to live that identity with a small organization, an independent development and a newspaper associated with it. I honestly believe that arose from that choice too many errors and analysis of behavior, but more than ever I am convinced that it was a risk we run and who has left positive fruits and unjustly allowed to disperse.
Elisha was a pillar of that effort and held her in better with the tenacity, the balance, the energy that was tied to his past. And he remained until the forces were left him physically. The same energy, the genetic trait, which then faced for more than a decade, one individual but even more heroic battle against the disease to win every day in more than a piece of life, perhaps no more to change the world but to continue to understand without being broken, no stranger to hear, but rather remain attentive and involved. I do not think that before his death, we can say nothing more grateful and complimentary of not only recognize that life has been spent well in its time but that now offers a lot to learn.
What If I Mix Red Clay With Concrete
Eliseo Milani, in Your name ... ...
Eliseo Milani,
in your name ...
Dear Sandy, there we see for many years and we shall not see even the funeral of Eliseo Milani, because now I walk with difficulty. But the pain I feel at seeing off the old comrades of the season, the pain is nothing to see that parties and people in whom we trust to put a story out of this morass unworthy where we're drowning, think about other than to give life and to win our ideas, ideals that liberated Italy, built the Republic, established democracy. There will be many unhappy around me, in a land where even the left was and is strong. But it seems that he has forgotten and does not want to do anything positive. Lucio
Morandini, via e-mail
Valentino Parlato, in his recollection of Eliseo Milani on the "manifesto", he imagined that today, if he were still with us, Elisha would say, in front of the sense of bitterness, if not powerlessness, which sometimes takes us to some stuttering in front of the left: "Okay, but without exaggerate. try to do something useful in this time of great confusion. " Elisha, although the isolation of the long illness had not abandoned his political passion, was to last until a practical man, do not forget the 'obligation' to do. You see, dear Lucius, I almost can not I add more to the words that Parliament was able to grasp the intellectual worker in the mouth Milani. Today, as we will make a final farewell, I also in your name, along with many others, men women, companions of different generations think of you, all of us, as detached fragments of a single tree, evidence of the troubled history of the Left, the Left indeed who can not do together "something useful" to give shape to our ideas just yet.
Yet, as you write me, this is our task and that is what they expect from the left that the old workers, like those of Dalmine, discovered in the fifties, along with eleven worker Milani, the class struggle; those, again, that as you and I have had time to learn guerrilla warfare, under the guidance of young skippers that are safe, what we call the boys today - someone took from the study or political activism, others scattered among hundreds of places of work piecemeal, insecure, lonely, and others fleeing the thoughts and commitments for the lack of clarity: "Do something, just to call to participate out of this mess that tarnishes everything. " In recent days, the director of "Republic", Ezio Mauro, wrote: "The renunciation of the center-left real decisive battle, the battle of ideas that give soul to politics." That may be true, but for this greeting Eliseo try to look into his eyes, we who are alive, young and old alike, and we promise ourselves that we will do everything we can, which is not little, because our ideas for a better world flavor to give meaning to life and politics.
Alessandro Curzi
alessandro. @ Curzon liberation. it
Eliseo Milani,
in your name ...
Dear Sandy, there we see for many years and we shall not see even the funeral of Eliseo Milani, because now I walk with difficulty. But the pain I feel at seeing off the old comrades of the season, the pain is nothing to see that parties and people in whom we trust to put a story out of this morass unworthy where we're drowning, think about other than to give life and to win our ideas, ideals that liberated Italy, built the Republic, established democracy. There will be many unhappy around me, in a land where even the left was and is strong. But it seems that he has forgotten and does not want to do anything positive. Lucio
Morandini, via e-mail
Valentino Parlato, in his recollection of Eliseo Milani on the "manifesto", he imagined that today, if he were still with us, Elisha would say, in front of the sense of bitterness, if not powerlessness, which sometimes takes us to some stuttering in front of the left: "Okay, but without exaggerate. try to do something useful in this time of great confusion. " Elisha, although the isolation of the long illness had not abandoned his political passion, was to last until a practical man, do not forget the 'obligation' to do. You see, dear Lucius, I almost can not I add more to the words that Parliament was able to grasp the intellectual worker in the mouth Milani. Today, as we will make a final farewell, I also in your name, along with many others, men women, companions of different generations think of you, all of us, as detached fragments of a single tree, evidence of the troubled history of the Left, the Left indeed who can not do together "something useful" to give shape to our ideas just yet.
Yet, as you write me, this is our task and that is what they expect from the left that the old workers, like those of Dalmine, discovered in the fifties, along with eleven worker Milani, the class struggle; those, again, that as you and I have had time to learn guerrilla warfare, under the guidance of young skippers that are safe, what we call the boys today - someone took from the study or political activism, others scattered among hundreds of places of work piecemeal, insecure, lonely, and others fleeing the thoughts and commitments for the lack of clarity: "Do something, just to call to participate out of this mess that tarnishes everything. " In recent days, the director of "Republic", Ezio Mauro, wrote: "The renunciation of the center-left real decisive battle, the battle of ideas that give soul to politics." That may be true, but for this greeting Eliseo try to look into his eyes, we who are alive, young and old alike, and we promise ourselves that we will do everything we can, which is not little, because our ideas for a better world flavor to give meaning to life and politics.
Alessandro Curzi
alessandro. @ Curzon liberation. it
Gay Cruising In Mobile
Eliseo Milani, Rome
MANIFESTO December 31, 2004
Milani, goodbye to Rome
GALAPAGOS
A cloudless, bright days and warm sun made it less sad farewell to Elisha. Or rather, the goodbye, because as he anticipated the figure Lucio Magri by February of this extraordinary figure of militant-political leader will be a dedicated conference. An opportunity that will retrace at least 50 years of history of left ideals, lacerations, especially of passion and political commitment. The appointment was for 11, but at least one 'first hour outside the mortuary of the General Hospital of Rome, were already many people waiting for the exposure of the body to give a final farewell to Elisha. Sad faces, the faces of friends, of "old" comrades, some of whom came from outside Rome. In one corner, next to the coffin, his daughter Marina, his brother Fabrizio (extraordinary resemblance to Elisha) and her sisters Tina and Angela.
many flowers at the foot of the coffin and a pillow of red roses from our editorial staff. A Eliseo liked the flowers: every time you invite him to dinner at home was carrying a bundle.
Many friends greeted Elisha. And amid the general surprise at the 12 to pay tribute to him is also appeared Mirko Tremaglia, minister for Italians abroad, and fascist doc. They were united by the common ground of birth, but also by a report that I do not think it was friendship, but esteem and respect definitely yes.
So many people came to the appointment. And many of those present were tied to the manifesto, intended both as a political movement and as a newspaper. And political representatives from all sides (many) of the left and from organizations such as Arci and Legambiente. For PRC were Bertinotti, Sandro Curzi, Russo Spena, Giuseppe Ds between the declarant (Magri was Elisha to enroll with the PCI) and Giovanni Berlinguer. Then Fiom delegations and the City of Rome.
E ' Lucio Magri was a very emotional, a companion of many struggles, to keep the funeral oration. Magri gave a reading of human life intertwining with the strong political role. He traced the beginnings of his political activism in the federation of the Communist Party of Bergamo, where he was secretary for 11 years from `57. His working-class pride, the belief that the working class was ripe to become the ruling class. He mentioned his battles for democracy in the party. And then the ouster of the central committee, but the election strongly supported in MP. The battle at the XII Congress of the Communist Party in `69, in which the Federation of Bergamo said the rewriting of the thesis.
Then the painful 'exit' unintended by the PCI. And in the wake of the monthly magazine, the birth of the manifesto and its strong commitment to the organization of the small party. Milani, Rome and Bergamo doc becomes alive - he so discreet - the experience of "common" in Piazza del Grillo. Elisha begins at this point a different political path is elected new deputy and then senator always consistent with his political views originate. Finally the disease. Thanks Elisha.
MANIFESTO December 31, 2004
Milani, goodbye to Rome
GALAPAGOS
A cloudless, bright days and warm sun made it less sad farewell to Elisha. Or rather, the goodbye, because as he anticipated the figure Lucio Magri by February of this extraordinary figure of militant-political leader will be a dedicated conference. An opportunity that will retrace at least 50 years of history of left ideals, lacerations, especially of passion and political commitment. The appointment was for 11, but at least one 'first hour outside the mortuary of the General Hospital of Rome, were already many people waiting for the exposure of the body to give a final farewell to Elisha. Sad faces, the faces of friends, of "old" comrades, some of whom came from outside Rome. In one corner, next to the coffin, his daughter Marina, his brother Fabrizio (extraordinary resemblance to Elisha) and her sisters Tina and Angela.
many flowers at the foot of the coffin and a pillow of red roses from our editorial staff. A Eliseo liked the flowers: every time you invite him to dinner at home was carrying a bundle.
Many friends greeted Elisha. And amid the general surprise at the 12 to pay tribute to him is also appeared Mirko Tremaglia, minister for Italians abroad, and fascist doc. They were united by the common ground of birth, but also by a report that I do not think it was friendship, but esteem and respect definitely yes.
So many people came to the appointment. And many of those present were tied to the manifesto, intended both as a political movement and as a newspaper. And political representatives from all sides (many) of the left and from organizations such as Arci and Legambiente. For PRC were Bertinotti, Sandro Curzi, Russo Spena, Giuseppe Ds between the declarant (Magri was Elisha to enroll with the PCI) and Giovanni Berlinguer. Then Fiom delegations and the City of Rome.
E ' Lucio Magri was a very emotional, a companion of many struggles, to keep the funeral oration. Magri gave a reading of human life intertwining with the strong political role. He traced the beginnings of his political activism in the federation of the Communist Party of Bergamo, where he was secretary for 11 years from `57. His working-class pride, the belief that the working class was ripe to become the ruling class. He mentioned his battles for democracy in the party. And then the ouster of the central committee, but the election strongly supported in MP. The battle at the XII Congress of the Communist Party in `69, in which the Federation of Bergamo said the rewriting of the thesis.
Then the painful 'exit' unintended by the PCI. And in the wake of the monthly magazine, the birth of the manifesto and its strong commitment to the organization of the small party. Milani, Rome and Bergamo doc becomes alive - he so discreet - the experience of "common" in Piazza del Grillo. Elisha begins at this point a different political path is elected new deputy and then senator always consistent with his political views originate. Finally the disease. Thanks Elisha.
Linear Optocoupler Cost
's work
The work of Elisha
We have learned many things from the intelligence and Eliseo Milani. In the painful moment when he disappears strongly invoke a collective effort to reconstruct his thought and his human and draw new strength in the serious ongoing struggle for peace in the world today violated, and to build new ways of ridding the world of work .
Pietro Ingrao and Clare and Paul Franco
take part in the mourning of the grieving friends of the poster, all the friends of Rome and Bergamo, where I met the young leader of the Communist Party, for the death of Eliseo Milani hero of many battles for socialism and democracy in Italy.
Luciano Barca
fondly recall Eliseo Milani, militant communist leader. Nuccio
Iovene
With the death of Eliseo lose the character of a left serious, persistent and consistent. I got to share moments with him and fight militancy in Pdup and then in Parliament to defend democratic spaces that were being increasingly shrinking.
A big hug to all of you manifest in particular in Rossanda, Magri, Castellina and Speech.
Guido Pollice
I remind myself, through these few lines, Eliseo Milani, a fellow serious, honest, man of the past with whom I shared an important part of my journey of life together with other partners and mates, all unforgettable. There are parts of life that sometimes they go with certain people and Elisha is one of them: carries a piece of our lives. Thanks.
Franco Astengo
not in our brief tour of political initiative and effort to research and reflection that accompanied the very distant from the sixties, Elisha Milani has been our point of reference, for comparison, a stimulus to discussion.
After the conclusion of the experience difficult and challenging of the political movement of the manifesto, the relationship with Eliseo Milani has continued and, if possible, yet consolidated over time, thanks to the opportunities of meeting here in Bergamo, but above all thanks the tenacious underground thread of sharing and friendship, which resists the remote and the succession of the events of life. Why Elisha was able to be for us a partner and a friend, two things that in reality they are rarely together, but when this occurs, then the thread continues beyond death, in the daily life of those who remain.
Giuliana Bertacchi and Angelo Bendotti
learn with sorrow the death of Eliseo Milani we have known over the years of our youth, then, as militants Pdup-manifesto.Con him we experienced intense years and experiences that we can not forget.
Despite the diversity of our party options later, we have increasingly found as a companion with whom one could argue, true to the basic choice to be placed on the side of workers, not left in a sorry and aware of its roots. We will miss him.
Domenico and Giovanni Russo Spena Jervolino
will always be in our memory and nostrocuore the memory of Eliseo Milani.
Prc, a federation of Bergamo
The work of Elisha
We have learned many things from the intelligence and Eliseo Milani. In the painful moment when he disappears strongly invoke a collective effort to reconstruct his thought and his human and draw new strength in the serious ongoing struggle for peace in the world today violated, and to build new ways of ridding the world of work .
Pietro Ingrao and Clare and Paul Franco
take part in the mourning of the grieving friends of the poster, all the friends of Rome and Bergamo, where I met the young leader of the Communist Party, for the death of Eliseo Milani hero of many battles for socialism and democracy in Italy.
Luciano Barca
fondly recall Eliseo Milani, militant communist leader. Nuccio
Iovene
With the death of Eliseo lose the character of a left serious, persistent and consistent. I got to share moments with him and fight militancy in Pdup and then in Parliament to defend democratic spaces that were being increasingly shrinking.
A big hug to all of you manifest in particular in Rossanda, Magri, Castellina and Speech.
Guido Pollice
I remind myself, through these few lines, Eliseo Milani, a fellow serious, honest, man of the past with whom I shared an important part of my journey of life together with other partners and mates, all unforgettable. There are parts of life that sometimes they go with certain people and Elisha is one of them: carries a piece of our lives. Thanks.
Franco Astengo
not in our brief tour of political initiative and effort to research and reflection that accompanied the very distant from the sixties, Elisha Milani has been our point of reference, for comparison, a stimulus to discussion.
After the conclusion of the experience difficult and challenging of the political movement of the manifesto, the relationship with Eliseo Milani has continued and, if possible, yet consolidated over time, thanks to the opportunities of meeting here in Bergamo, but above all thanks the tenacious underground thread of sharing and friendship, which resists the remote and the succession of the events of life. Why Elisha was able to be for us a partner and a friend, two things that in reality they are rarely together, but when this occurs, then the thread continues beyond death, in the daily life of those who remain.
Giuliana Bertacchi and Angelo Bendotti
learn with sorrow the death of Eliseo Milani we have known over the years of our youth, then, as militants Pdup-manifesto.Con him we experienced intense years and experiences that we can not forget.
Despite the diversity of our party options later, we have increasingly found as a companion with whom one could argue, true to the basic choice to be placed on the side of workers, not left in a sorry and aware of its roots. We will miss him.
Domenico and Giovanni Russo Spena Jervolino
will always be in our memory and nostrocuore the memory of Eliseo Milani.
Prc, a federation of Bergamo
Make A Eye Appointment
farewell to friend and fellow
friend and companion
The death of Eliseo Milani strikes me and pains me deeply. Elisha is one of the first Communist leaders whom I met at the beginning of my political engagement in Bergamo. Since then I have learned to appreciate his strong political passion, its warm humanity, his uncommon intelligence.
on these qualities among us has built a friendship that has never failed even when the paths are different and that political will is strengthened when we found the same setting. We lost a friend and a companion who will never forget. Joseph
declarant
participate with deep emotion to the common grief at the death of mate Eliseo Milani. He connected me countless moments of the battle that we have always done, although sometimes with different positions in the former Communist Party and in Bergamo in Lombardy, and then in other formations of the left for the cause of freedom and justice. Elisha was a proletarian, was a true communist, his dedication to the ideals of socialism is and always will be an example to all those, young and old, men and women, aim to contribute to building a new society free from economic domination, political and cultural capitalism.
Cossutta
By Eliseo Milani away a major chunk of the CRS, where he was assistant manager and precious. The difficult challenge of autonomy for the CRS, through its transformation into a free association of intellectuals and politicians interested in the institutional issue, Elisha was in one of the most ardent supporters that, until the end, did not miss one of our meetings if not justified, in recent months for serious health reasons.
We will miss his love, his intelligence, his caustic irony. Mario Anastasia and Stephen
Tronti
For all of us who worked with him in the manifest, Elisha was an example of courage, concrete worker, consistency. Rooted in his convictions, could say with determination and with slight irony. Francesco De Vito
With Elisha went away an old friend, the protagonist of a great idea for renewal of the left. With us poster boys was always a bit 'grumpy like this in many of our fathers, but ready to discuss severe. Elisha was always there. Together we shared beautiful battles, helped by his reassuring presence. For health reasons it is now rarely seen, but when he went to the office was the same as always Elisha, looked straight ahead of those who had not lost the passion for politics. With him another piece of us goes away. Norma and William Pepper
Ranger
Anna Pizzo, Calabria and Marco Pierre On, old comrades of the poster and Elisha, along with all the collective card, join the grief for the death of an unforgettable companion.
salvation and miracle
also says the etymology. To me you are oracle.
reified, in the art of talking to do.
Tommaso Di Francesco
friend and companion
The death of Eliseo Milani strikes me and pains me deeply. Elisha is one of the first Communist leaders whom I met at the beginning of my political engagement in Bergamo. Since then I have learned to appreciate his strong political passion, its warm humanity, his uncommon intelligence.
on these qualities among us has built a friendship that has never failed even when the paths are different and that political will is strengthened when we found the same setting. We lost a friend and a companion who will never forget. Joseph
declarant
participate with deep emotion to the common grief at the death of mate Eliseo Milani. He connected me countless moments of the battle that we have always done, although sometimes with different positions in the former Communist Party and in Bergamo in Lombardy, and then in other formations of the left for the cause of freedom and justice. Elisha was a proletarian, was a true communist, his dedication to the ideals of socialism is and always will be an example to all those, young and old, men and women, aim to contribute to building a new society free from economic domination, political and cultural capitalism.
Cossutta
By Eliseo Milani away a major chunk of the CRS, where he was assistant manager and precious. The difficult challenge of autonomy for the CRS, through its transformation into a free association of intellectuals and politicians interested in the institutional issue, Elisha was in one of the most ardent supporters that, until the end, did not miss one of our meetings if not justified, in recent months for serious health reasons.
We will miss his love, his intelligence, his caustic irony. Mario Anastasia and Stephen
Tronti
For all of us who worked with him in the manifest, Elisha was an example of courage, concrete worker, consistency. Rooted in his convictions, could say with determination and with slight irony. Francesco De Vito
With Elisha went away an old friend, the protagonist of a great idea for renewal of the left. With us poster boys was always a bit 'grumpy like this in many of our fathers, but ready to discuss severe. Elisha was always there. Together we shared beautiful battles, helped by his reassuring presence. For health reasons it is now rarely seen, but when he went to the office was the same as always Elisha, looked straight ahead of those who had not lost the passion for politics. With him another piece of us goes away. Norma and William Pepper
Ranger
Anna Pizzo, Calabria and Marco Pierre On, old comrades of the poster and Elisha, along with all the collective card, join the grief for the death of an unforgettable companion.
salvation and miracle
also says the etymology. To me you are oracle.
reified, in the art of talking to do.
Tommaso Di Francesco
Sovn Mattress Reviews
Eliseo Milani, rigor and passion
THE MANIFESTO
Eliseo Milani, rigor and passion
ALDO GARZA
of the Historical Group of the Manifesto, Eliseo Milani was apparently among the most rude. The strong emphasis Bergamo and direct, sometimes rude, to address political issues made him obnoxious even to the top. Then it became the benchmark for some of us younger people, with whom he could confide, and were countered with attention and respect. We were young by "raising": I, Sandro Medici, Loris Campetti, Peter Barrera, Vincenzo Vita, Michele Half and many others. We have come up, each in different ways, with his advice and his amicizia.Milani, under workers grew at Dalmine, he knew it was pulling hard on an organization and develop the relationship across generations. In 1970, when the Manifesto group was in its infancy and was not yet born manifest daily, pulling the strings of the organization he thought his Milani from the rooms on the Piazza del Grillo, home of the monthly magazine and guest. At that time a deputy elected from the lists of the Communist Party, the only group in history of the Manifesto have been for eleven years (since 1957) Secretary of the Communist Federation (for more, Federation as a very particular that of Bergamo). All the early seventies had a stud in Milani fundamental first confrontation with political groups "extremists" who had joined the Rome Manifesto, then the unfortunate presentation to the parliamentary elections of 1972, then the construction of the patient and laborious Pdup, then again the division between party and newspaper. The parliamentary engagement had meanwhile moved to the Senate, where he became vice president of the independent leftist group chaired by Claudio Napoleoni, having chaired in 1976 the deputies of the new left that for the first time they had entered into a certain point parlamento.A in the early nineties, the manager of iron had begun to suffer strokes of the disease. Returning from a holiday in Cuba made together, he discovered that something was wrong in one lung. Even before he had undergone operations other (I remember in 1975 in a move to Bologna Congress Pdup supported on two crutches, but with a firm hand to direct the Election Commission). The last fifteen years, Milani experienced them as a metronome. He moved the inflexible rigor in the administration of his health few walks, the same routes, quick visits to the room or the Senate, staring at the thermometer placed on the window sill to see if it was too cold or too hot to go out, strict diet. The only distractions at the restaurant dinners and poker with friends. Every now and then returned to the hospital for a new illness and a new surgery. The quenching could always win over evil, and now the refrain was to be able to speak of the many operations incurred "by Milani 'as if they were to enter the Guinness Book of primati.Eliseo, however, suffered sein apart by politics not by choice but constraint. Once was involved in an assembly, had it not made to be quiet, but then in the afternoon had been admitted to hospital because they had created tension and thrill pressure problems. After that, there remained the fierce reading newspapers and books, discussions with friends and companions vicini.C 'were things of which he was proud precise Milani: ingraiano be from the Congress of the Communist Party of 1966, having organized in 1963 in Bergamo, a famous conference with Palmiro Togliatti on peace and war ("the destiny of man") almost simultaneously with the Encyclical Pacem in Terris of John XXIII, he joined Lucio Magri and Joseph declarant to the Communist Party, had won the Congress of Federation of the Communist Party in 1969 calling for the rewriting of the national thesis. The story of the next event was the natural consequence of that route. Thanks to the strong character and the acceptance of the disease, Milani has won at least fifteen years of getting used to the hardships of his condition. Yet he was always a joke, a lash, a suggestion, a thought and a salute to those who had remained in the trench that he had to leave. E 'was also the case last December 23 when we met for the wishes of the rite. Milani was an ironic, attentive to the events of the center is not exciting, knowing that another year had passed and that he had won. I like to remember him with his smile and the last stop in Bergamo that said something like: "Come on, you'll see that there sooner or later refer to Arcore.
THE MANIFESTO
Eliseo Milani, rigor and passion
ALDO GARZA
of the Historical Group of the Manifesto, Eliseo Milani was apparently among the most rude. The strong emphasis Bergamo and direct, sometimes rude, to address political issues made him obnoxious even to the top. Then it became the benchmark for some of us younger people, with whom he could confide, and were countered with attention and respect. We were young by "raising": I, Sandro Medici, Loris Campetti, Peter Barrera, Vincenzo Vita, Michele Half and many others. We have come up, each in different ways, with his advice and his amicizia.Milani, under workers grew at Dalmine, he knew it was pulling hard on an organization and develop the relationship across generations. In 1970, when the Manifesto group was in its infancy and was not yet born manifest daily, pulling the strings of the organization he thought his Milani from the rooms on the Piazza del Grillo, home of the monthly magazine and guest. At that time a deputy elected from the lists of the Communist Party, the only group in history of the Manifesto have been for eleven years (since 1957) Secretary of the Communist Federation (for more, Federation as a very particular that of Bergamo). All the early seventies had a stud in Milani fundamental first confrontation with political groups "extremists" who had joined the Rome Manifesto, then the unfortunate presentation to the parliamentary elections of 1972, then the construction of the patient and laborious Pdup, then again the division between party and newspaper. The parliamentary engagement had meanwhile moved to the Senate, where he became vice president of the independent leftist group chaired by Claudio Napoleoni, having chaired in 1976 the deputies of the new left that for the first time they had entered into a certain point parlamento.A in the early nineties, the manager of iron had begun to suffer strokes of the disease. Returning from a holiday in Cuba made together, he discovered that something was wrong in one lung. Even before he had undergone operations other (I remember in 1975 in a move to Bologna Congress Pdup supported on two crutches, but with a firm hand to direct the Election Commission). The last fifteen years, Milani experienced them as a metronome. He moved the inflexible rigor in the administration of his health few walks, the same routes, quick visits to the room or the Senate, staring at the thermometer placed on the window sill to see if it was too cold or too hot to go out, strict diet. The only distractions at the restaurant dinners and poker with friends. Every now and then returned to the hospital for a new illness and a new surgery. The quenching could always win over evil, and now the refrain was to be able to speak of the many operations incurred "by Milani 'as if they were to enter the Guinness Book of primati.Eliseo, however, suffered sein apart by politics not by choice but constraint. Once was involved in an assembly, had it not made to be quiet, but then in the afternoon had been admitted to hospital because they had created tension and thrill pressure problems. After that, there remained the fierce reading newspapers and books, discussions with friends and companions vicini.C 'were things of which he was proud precise Milani: ingraiano be from the Congress of the Communist Party of 1966, having organized in 1963 in Bergamo, a famous conference with Palmiro Togliatti on peace and war ("the destiny of man") almost simultaneously with the Encyclical Pacem in Terris of John XXIII, he joined Lucio Magri and Joseph declarant to the Communist Party, had won the Congress of Federation of the Communist Party in 1969 calling for the rewriting of the national thesis. The story of the next event was the natural consequence of that route. Thanks to the strong character and the acceptance of the disease, Milani has won at least fifteen years of getting used to the hardships of his condition. Yet he was always a joke, a lash, a suggestion, a thought and a salute to those who had remained in the trench that he had to leave. E 'was also the case last December 23 when we met for the wishes of the rite. Milani was an ironic, attentive to the events of the center is not exciting, knowing that another year had passed and that he had won. I like to remember him with his smile and the last stop in Bergamo that said something like: "Come on, you'll see that there sooner or later refer to Arcore.
Subscribe to:
Comments (Atom)